Revue des Colonies N°4 (selection)Maria Beliaeva SolomonPublication InformationInformation about the source
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REVUEDESCOLONIES,MONTHLY COMPENDIUM OF POLITICS,
ADMINISTRATION, JUSTICE, INSTRUCTION AND COLONIAL CUSTOMS,BY A SOCIETY OF MEN OF COLORSOCIETY OF MEN OF COLORDIRECTED BY C.-A. BISSETTEC.-A. BISSETTE.N°3September.PARIS, AT THE OFFICE OF THE
REVUE DES COLONIES,46, RUE NEUVE-SAINT-EUSTACHE1834.REVUEDES COLONIES
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ON THE EMANCIPATION BILL AND THE INITIAL RESULTS OF ITS IMPLEMENTATIONWe promised to bring to the attention of our readers any changes made in the legislation governing foreign colonies: "These changes," we said, "will be of even greater interest to us as they are bound to have a powerful impact on our own colonial possessions." How could the black slaves, who in these colonies suffer under the double burden of physical and moral degradation, remain indifferent to the vast political and social movement taking place before their eyes? And when, with a rightful sense of pride and inexpressible joy, they witness their brothers being granted the title and rights of citizens, does anyone believe they will bear more patiently the state of serfdom to which they are condemned by our laws? There is talk of the acquired rights and interests of the colonists; for us, there are more sacred ones: the acquired rights and interests of humanity. Besides, it is not at the expense of the master, as we well know, that we wish to bestow upon the slave the blessing of liberty. The example of a magnanimous reparation set by EnglandEngland will not be lost: the French, who have sympathies for all the oppressed, will not wish to be outdone in generosity. For a long time, the blood and sweat of the black man have served to multiply their enjoyments as men or their wealth as industrialists. They too have incurred a debt of two centuries of service to him. The very least they can do in return is to make the sacrifice of a few hundred million to free him from the hands that continue to exploit him without pity or restraint.,On our side of the ChannelChannel, there is not a single public venue, ministerial salon, or private circle where the famous bill promulgated by the English Parliament for the emancipation of the blacks has not been discussed, often without true understanding. Everyone knows that, under this law, a sum of five hundred million is to be allocated
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for the redemption of eight hundred thousand blacks—money unquestionably better spent than the vast treasures buried by the Restoration, beyond the Pyrenees, to enslave an entire people of whites. Yet, very few people have an accurate understanding of the bill’s provisions regarding the forms and conditions of emancipation. The daily press, which has grasped them no better, has prudently refrained from delving into this subject. Compelled, however, to say something about it, it has taken refuge in those banal generalities which, without addressing anything concrete, apply so marvelously to all questions.The act of emancipation, dated August 15, 1855,(1) an act for the abolition of slavery, throughout the British colonies, for promonting the industry of the manumitted slaves, and for compensating the persons hitherto entitled to the services of such slaves. Londres, août 1835 Imprimé par ordre du parlement.contains sixty-six articles within the extensive provisions encompassed by its foresight. The overly limited scope of our RevueRevue does not allow us to provide a full translation of this memorable law. However, we believe our readers will appreciate us sharing its main provisions. Moreover, the details we are about to present will have the added benefit of aiding in the understanding of the significant events currently unfolding in the AntillesAntilles.The parliament has not specifically designated the country where the great measure of emancipation is to be applied, as this is sufficiently indicated by the very purpose of the law. In most British possessions, the former legislation became complicit in the injustices of slavery by providing it with shameful support; yet, while it has supported the whites indiscriminately as owners of the foreign race tied to the soil, it has not equally favored them in the sharing of political liberties. By a strange anomaly, there are colonies that enjoy the guarantees of the representative system, while others are placed under the regime of ministerial ordinances. Among the former are JamaicaJamaica, AntiguaAntigua, BermudaBermuda, BahamaBahama, BarbadosBarbados, DominicaDominica, GrenadaGrenada, Saint VincentSaint Vincent, Saint ChristopherSaint Christopher, MontserratMontserrat, NevisNevis, TobagoTobago, and TortolaTortola; among the latter are DemeraraDemerara, BerbiceBerbice, TrinidadTrinidad, and HondurasHonduras, le cap de
Bonne-Espérancecap de
Bonne-Espérance, and île Mauriceîle Maurice. The former are known under the common appellation of colonies franches (chartered colonies); the latter under the general denomination of colonies de la couronne (crown colonies). Please bear in mind this important distinction, which will greatly influence the distribution of the benefits of emancipation and, par suite, the future of colonial populations of all colors.It is stated in article 1 of the bill that, starting from the first day of August 1854, the slaves existing at that time in the British colonies will be, by law, and in accordance with the new legislation, freed from all forms of servitude. Slaves employed in merchant shipping who, on the same date, are navigating the seas, will also benefit from the law. (Article 1). All children born after the day of emancipation will be free, like their parents. Those whose parents cannot raise them will be placed in apprenticeship with colonists, to remain there until the age of twenty-one. The same will apply to children without support or resources who, on August 1, are still under the age of six. In both cases, these children should be entrusted, preferably, to the colonists with whom their mothers worked before the promulgation of the law. (Article 12 and 13.)If we have said that the slaves, beginning on August 1, 1854, would only be free in law, it is unfortunately certain that their emancipation in fact is deferred to a more distant period. Before being fully able to dispose of their own person and actions, the freed individuals will be obliged to spend several years in a state of probation which the law designates as apprenticeship (apprenticeship). They will be divided into three classes as follows: in the first will be included those who, on properties belonging to their masters, are employed in cultivating the soil or processing its products; in the second, those engaged in similar work on properties not belonging to their masters; and in the third, those whose type of work does not allow them to be categorized in either of the first two groups. The term of apprenticeship for the freed individuals of the first class will expire on August 1, 1838, and for those of the other two classes, on August 1, 1840. Thus
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the duration of the state of probation will vary from four to six years. (Articles 4, 5, and 6.)The freed individuals, in their new status as worker-apprentices, will be required to continue working for their former masters. (Articles 1 and 2.) The exploitants will not be allowed to send them out of the colony; however, with the prior authorization of two magistrates, they may transport them from one plantation to another, provided this relocation does not result in the separation of different family members. (Article 9.) They will also be permitted, without deviating from this initial condition, to dispose of the labor (services) of the freed individuals through contract, sale, agreement, transfer, or testament. Workers housed by their masters will have the right to all necessary provisions for their maintenance and, in the case of illness, access to medical care. (Article 11.) No more than forty-five hours of work per week may be required, with the rest of their available time to be used for their own benefit. Those who have the means will be allowed to purchase their complete freedom by paying their masters, as compensation, a sum equivalent to the value of their labor for the remainder of the apprenticeship. The exploitant, in no case, may refuse to engage in this transaction or retain, against their will, the freed individual who has fulfilled these conditions. (Article 8.) On the other hand, the exploitant is prohibited from dismissing a worker-apprentice aged fifty or older who suffers from an infirmity rendering them unable to work, without ensuring their maintenance until the end of the apprenticeship. (Article 7.)Until very recently, the colonists of the English possessions, much like those of our islands today, opposed with singular obstinacy the plans devised for the emancipation of the blacks. They had exercised their unjust privileges with such constant and disdainful harshness that they could not conceive of the possibility of forgiveness or reconciliation within the oppressed race. They presumed, deep in their hearts, an insatiable desire for vengeance, murder, and pillage among them, which only the active precautions of an unlimited authority could restrain. Having succeeded in degrading the âme and intelligence of the enslaved to the baseness of their condition (or so they believed), they used their presumed moral and intellectual inferiority as an argument to perpetuate its causes. Such
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is the ordinary logic of privileged classes when it comes to admitting the helots of all countries and all colors to political and social equality.The English parliamentThe English parliament, without sharing them, has largely conceded to the fears and prejudices of the colonists. In selecting methods of implementation, it favored delays over decisive measures that might have alarmed the populace and met with strong resistance. This is why it imposed the adoption of the transitional mode of apprenticeship, a sort of hybrid state that falls between slavery and emancipation, partaking of both. However, the House of CommonsHouse of Commons, placing much trust in the influence of time and debate to guide the colonial aristocracy towards healthier and more just ideas, has granted it the latitude to amend, in the interest of the emancipated class, all clauses of the bill concerning the forms and conditions of emancipation. The representative assemblies of the colonies (local legislatures) may substitute the prescribed methods with others that are aligned with the wishes and needs of the country, and the amendments communicated to and sanctioned by the king’s government will have the force of law (article 23). These liberal provisions, as we see, reveal the legislator's intent and open a wide door to immediate emancipation, so unfortunately deferred by the delays of apprenticeship.The Anti-Slavery SocietyAnti-Slavery Society, founded in England by friends of humanity, which has recently taken the title of Universal Emancipation SocietyUniversal Emancipation Society (1), has honored us by sending the first issue of its quarterly journal, the AbolitionistAbolitionist, as a mark of the deep sympathy inspired by our work (2). Among other articles, this publication contains a
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detailed account of the initial results produced in the British colonies by the implementation of the bill. Nothing could be more fascinating than these events, which will provide splendid pages for the history of the nineteenth century, so rich in great events. We will analyze them and share some of the reflections they have inspired in the English journal.The initial impression produced in Jamaica by the knowledge of the bill for the abolition of slavery was favorable to the black class. It was truly a pleasure to hear the colonists who had shown themselves most recalcitrant to the advice of humanity and prudence and most zealous in preserving an odious property and authority, unanimously and without reservation, speak out against the adoption of the intermediate state of apprenticeship. At that time, they were convinced, like the most forward-thinking individuals in the country, that the numerous and complicated mechanisms of conditional emancipation would entail too many difficulties and expenses. Considerations of justice and order also undoubtedly contributed to enlightening them about their true interests. In short, everything suggested that their favorable disposition would be shared by the general assembly, and that this chamber, through a generous interpretation of the law, would place Jamaica at the forefront of the great movement for colonial regeneration.The excellent disposition of the blacks also argued powerfully in their favor. A benevolent man, the Earl of Mulgrave, governor of Jamaica, who had been able to recognize their admirable qualities, delighted in offering the most favorable testimony about them. Upon his return to England, the noble lord recently reiterated the positive opinion he had formed. "During my visits to the vast majority of the establishments in the colony during the last Christmas holidays," he said, "I became convinced that if the slaves were fully emancipated, their conduct would generally meet all expectations. Each time the principles of the proposed change were explained to them in my presence, I observed that they have grateful hearts capable of rising to the level of their new condition and faculties broad enough to grasp its advantages." On the very day of the session's opening, Mr. Watkis announced to the general assembly that he would soon present a bill for the immediate emancipation of the blacks. However, the honorable member's motion did not achieve the success he anticipated: after provoking strong opposition and lengthy debates, it was rejected by the majority. The most trivial reasons were put forward to skew the chamber's vote on this matter. "Once the total abolition of slavery is decreed," it was said, "the British government will withdraw the indemnity promised to the planters." Ultimately, the assembly decided in favor of adopting apprenticeship. We hope that this unwise measure will not jeopardize public tranquility or prosperity; it seems impracticable to us, and the planters may themselves recognize its drawbacks during the next sugarcane harvests. "Exercising a power delegated to you, you have chosen to bring the slave to full liberty through a state of probation," remarked Lord Mulgrave to the assembly on December 12, 1835. "Nevertheless, I do not hesitate to tell you that if the experience of men and circumstances led you to reconsider this initial resolution and to shorten the term of apprenticeship already set by law, no measure could be more pleasing to the British nation and its government. I myself would feel great satisfaction in seeing the last vestiges of a state of affairs, whose disastrous consequences I have personally observed, disappear."The glorious preeminence that Jamaica has let slip away has been secured by the island of Antigua. An act passed by the legislative assembly of this colony abolished slavery entirely as of August 1, 1854. A dispatch from Sir E. Murray M'Gregor informed Her Majesty's government of the liberal resolution that the chamber had just adopted. However, a difficulty arose that nearly led to the annulment of the law. In one of the articles, the assembly included a clause abolishing a colonial tax that all the English islands in the West Indies have long protested against. The clause was rejected, and the assembly, yielding to a fit of irritation, declared itself in favor of applying the apprenticeship model. But the second chamber(1) Additional details about Jamaica can be foundIn the "Miscellaneous News" section.
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refused to sanction a law born of anger. A struggle arose between the two bodies, greatly alarming the friends of liberty and order. Fortunately, it ended in the most favorable manner. The act for immediate emancipation, submitted a second time to the discussion of the general assembly, passed by a majority of one vote and was immediately confirmed by the council.Here, as in Jamaica, the moral and intellectual condition of the blacks is satisfactory. To the testimony of Lord Mulgrave, we can add another no less valuable. Here is an excerpt from a letter written by Mr. Stanley, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, in response to the first dispatch sent to him by Sir E. Murray M'Gregor. "The favorable impression that those most capable of judging have formed of the black population brings me great pleasure. It is all the more fortunate that, as you inform me, they are in a state of civilization and education advanced enough to enjoy forthcoming and complete freedom, and that the legislature of Antigua and the planters residing on their estates are on the verge of granting them this blessing so fervently wished for by the motherland for all her children."The emancipation act was proclaimed across the island amid the joyful acclamations of the habitansinhabitants, and August 1, 1854, was celebrated as both a public and religious festival—the day when thirty thousand slaves were freed. "To all eyes, as to ours, this act is marked by the seal of the soundest policy," exclaims the journal of Antigua. "Between the two modes offered for the choice of our legislature, it had to select either apprenticeship, burdensome for the master and unbearable for the worker, which in all their interactions would have bred exasperation, antagonism, and turmoil; or unrestricted freedom, which allows the employer and the worker to voluntarily draw closer through mutual need and amicably settle their interests. Who does not see in which of these two social conditions our island would find the greatest guarantees of order and prosperity?"We take this opportunity to congratulate our brothers, the blacks still in bondage, on the happy transformation that a great act of justice will bring to their condition. Soon they will feel it: freedom, precious by its very existence, is even more so for its results. It opens before them the path to industrial and moral improvements. The conquests of intellect, the advantages of wealth, an honorable standing—all of these are now within their reach. Surely, like us, they would not have believed, six months ago, that the measures adopted for their emancipation by the British Parliament would be surpassed in liberality by those recently enacted by our colonial legislature in their favor. Yet this is what has happened, and we see in this unexpected event a favorable omen for the future.Truth be told, what could be more remarkable than this sudden and benevolent enlightenment that has illuminated even the dullest minds and touched hearts previously inaccessible to compassion? In Antigua, as elsewhere, most planters imagined that the emancipation of slaves would be followed by scenes of devastation, fire, and carnage, like those witnessed in Saint-Domingue. Today, not at all; the same men are now quietly speculating on the expansion of the island's internal trade. Here, they open shops; there, warehouses, where the newly freed class of people may, according to their needs and tastes, spend their savings and make purchases. For among the blacks, there are many who, through hardship and deprivation, have accumulated considerable sums of money in the distant and uncertain hope of one day being able to buy their freedom from slavery.The small colony of Bermuda seems to have approached the question of emancipation with clarity from the outset. When the governor sent the General Assembly the act promulgated by the British Parliament, along with the dispatches and instructions he had received from the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the chamber immediately formed a committee to review these documents. After careful examination, and seeing that sufficient indemnity was assured to the planters, "we have considered it just and proper," the assembly stated in the preamble to the law of January 29, 1834, "that the slaves should be immediately admitted to all the advantages of freedom. Therefore, we decree that, as of August 1 of this year, all shall be free within the colony of Bermuda, where the clauses of the bill concerning apprenticeship will have no effect." This act opened the gates of the city to four thousand six hundred slaves. With what joy would we learn that in other English islands, which enjoy the privilege of representation, the important question of the forms and conditions of emancipation had been resolved in the same spirit of wisdom and conciliation!It goes without saying that the British possessions under ordinance rule will not be called to deliberate on the mode of implementing the law. A ministerial decree from October of last year prescribes the straightforward adoption of the bill by these colonies and determines the dates on which it is to take effect in each. The slaves freed in Demerara, Berbice, Saint Lucia, Trinidad, and Honduras transitioned to the state of apprenticeship on August 1, 1834. Those at the Cape of Good Hope, that great fragment of African land and homeland of all blacks, will see the same change occur in their condition on December 1 of the same year. For those on the Isle of Mauritius, the probationary state will not begin until February 1, 1835. (1)In March 1834, the honorable Mr. Buxton asked Mr. Stanley during a parliamentary session for information on the situation in the colonies. After discussing the islands of Jamaica and Antigua, the minister spoke extensively about various points of local administration and prosperity concerning the government of Demerara. Several times, his speech was met with unanimous applause from the Commons. He read excerpts from two dispatches he had received, dated January 26 and 27. "I cannot show you a more satisfactory account of the colony's peaceful state," wrote the governor of Demerara, "than by sharing the record of judicial punishments inflicted on slaves and the complaints lodged by them against their masters during the last December. Although this month is the most festive and prone to joyous excesses among us, only thirteen corrective penalties were imposed on a population of eighty thousand slaves, ranging from one to three weeks of imprisonment, and not a single corporal punishment. By a remarkable coincidence, the number of complaints lodged by the(1) A clause of exception in the emancipation act authorized these delays (Art. 65).
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same number of slaves also rose to only thirteen, none of which involved any serious incident. Consequently, the police tribunal of Demerara, more than half of whose members are comprised of planters, had issued an ordinance that, starting on March 1, 1834, would strip slave owners of the power to inflict corporal punishment of any kind or under any pretext whatsoever.The commander of the island also informed the minister that the colony was in the most prosperous state. Last year, the weather had been unfavorable for the growth of the land’s produce, and yet the colonial outputs had increased significantly. ““Make no mistake, sir,” added the governor, “this increase must be attributed to a surge in satisfaction and activity among the blacks, encouraged and motivated as they are by the mitigation of the disciplinary regime and the prospect of the benefits of imminent liberty.””
A. G.
VIOLATION OF THE LAW OF NATIONS IN THE PERSON OF FRENCH MEN OF COLOR.The Revue des ColoniesRevue des Colonies has brought to its readers' attention an issue of the utmost gravity: the prohibition imposed on men of color, under penalty of their persons being seized, from entering certain provinces of the United States and the island of Cuba. The Revue has reported on the measures taken in this regard by the governments of these locations and their official transmission by the French administration to the authorities within the department of the navy.Today, men of color in France and its colonies enjoy all civil and political rights. In short, they have been placed on an equal footing with whites. “"I am a French citizen"” , they can proclaim; and France is glorious and powerful enough in the world that this proud title should carry its inviolability in all nations, just like the civis sum romanus of the ancients. It is up to her, and to those who govern her, to champion the cause of our fellow citizens, which is that of the entire country, for this is a matter of national honor and a serious breach of international law.From the standpoint of principles, this law is a violation of the law of nations.
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From a purely administrative standpoint, regarding the internal necessities of each nation, such a law is superfluous, as the general laws of police and security apply to all inhabitants of the territory. This principle is enshrined in the legal codes of every nation.The Americans, who admit us without difficulty into all the States of the UnionStates of the Union, could not, therefore, impose quarantines against our compatriots, Frenchmen of color, as one might against plague or cholera, out of fear that the presence of free men might contaminate their slaves. One might respond that a sovereign may do whatever he pleases within his domain. True enough: if it pleases this sovereign to soufletersouffleter your consuls or your ambassadors, he may do so; but you, in turn, may reduce his country to a French province. Such was the fate of AlgerAlger, subdued by the arms of the Restoration—poor champion of national honor, assuredly.God forbid, however, that we invoke force in the name of liberty; we merely indicate that among independent nations, all disputes inevitably culminate in acts of aggression when persuasion fails. This regrettable necessity is no justification for passively accepting an insult to the nation and to a class of our compatriots who, in foreign lands as well as at home, must enjoy all the privileges of French citizenship. France will undoubtedly make this clear. Her government will no longer serve as the enforcer of measures that insult her and infringe upon the rights of those she has just welcomed into civil and political life. Should it please France to appoint one of these men of color—now eligible for any public office in their homeland—as consul or ambassador to these inhospitable Americans, must we again witness what occurred not long ago in the ileîle Mauriceileîle Maurice? Would the representative of France be ignominiously turned away from the port, not this time because he was M. JérémieM. Jérémie, but because of the hue of his skin?AD. GATINEAD. GATINE, Lawyer at the Court of Cassation.NECESSITY OF A NEW ORGANIZATION OF COLONIAL MILITIASThe law of April 1833 left to the royal authority the task of organizing colonial militias. This legislative promise, like so many others, has not been fulfilled, so that today the militias remain governed by the outdated provisions of feudal regulations from the last century, further distorted by the arbitrariness of colonial leaders.The most comprehensive document on the matter is an ordinance by Louis XVLouis XV, dated September 1, 1768, concerning the establishment of militias in the MartiniqueMartinique and Saint LuciaSaint Lucia (Code of Martinique, volume 2, page 608). It is still in force, as referenced in a provisional regulation issued in 1815 by Governor Count de VaugiraudCount de Vaugiraud.All the provisions of this ordinance reflect the era in which it was enacted. It pays homage to the aristocracy of the nobility by establishing a privileged company composed solely of all the gentlemen whose titles have been registered with the Superior Council (Article 16). It enshrines the principle of skin prejudice; men of color are handed a certificate of indignity: only whites may become officers (Article 591).However, amidst the odious partiality that stains this relic of feudal legislation, one is gratified to find, here and there, certain principles of humanity. For instance, punishments are equal for all militia members, whether white or men of color (Article 38). This penalty is addressed in Article 21: ““Infantry captains shall oversee the police and discipline of their companies; but when punishment is warranted for any offenses falling under these two categories, they shall inform the district commander, who, upon receiving the account, may order imprisonment, provided the duration does not exceed TWENTY-FOUR HOURS. In cases warranting harsher punishment, the district commander shall report the matter to the governor-general, who will decide and notify the court.”” The legislator of 1768, it must be acknowledged, recognized the danger of leaving the application of punishments in the hands of a single individual; it is a weapon too easily wielded to satisfy grudges, enmity, or vengeance. Thus, the captain of a company never has the initiative to apply punishment; his authority is limited to reporting infractions of police or discipline rules. There his powers end; he must refer the matter to the district commander.Nevertheless, this official cannot impose a punishment exceeding twenty-four hours of imprisonment; for harsher penalties, he is required to report to the governor-general, who, in turn, involves the court of justice.Thus, all levels of disciplinary hierarchy are clearly delineated; they establish, with precision and clarity, the limits of each authority's power.It is, therefore, against all justice and in defiance of existing penal laws that militia captains in the colonies arrogate to themselves the right to impose forty-eight hours of imprisonment for the slightest service infraction, exercise failure, or review deficiency. They possess no legal authority to directly apply punishment; they may only report their subordinates' infractions to the district commander. If captains exceed their powers by punishing proprio motu, militiamen have the right to refuse their detention orders and report the law's violation to the governor.The disregard for principles has been pushed so far that even sergeant majors, by delegation of the captains, sign orders to imprison militiamen from their companies.Since 1768, arbitrariness has taken great strides; all levels of jurisdiction have been blurred. Captains, who have the sole authority to report infractions to the district commander, act as judges and impose forty-eight-hour punishments (minimum), even when the district commander himself cannot impose more than twenty-four hours. They thereby usurp powers reserved exclusively for the court of justice under the Ordinance of 1768.The provisional regulation of March 1, 1815 introduced no changes: this act merely extended the 1768 ordinance by creating penalties of twenty-four hours of imprisonment, or forty-eight hours in cases of recidivism for regulation breaches of exercises. However, the authority to impose this penalty, which can be legally contested, remains vested solely in district commanders (Article 17), not captains.Let us preempt an objection. ““Captains,” it may be said, “often have their sentencing acts ratified by district commanders.”” Even if this were the case, would the hierarchy's structure be any less violated? Would the jurisdictional overreach be any less egregious, or would procedural safeguards be any less stripped from those affected? Finally, what purpose does such belated ratification serve when captains have already enforced and executed the punishment?We have confined ourselves here to discussing the rights established by the ordinances regarding the subordinate-officer relationship in disciplinary matters; we have limited ourselves to defining, without recrimination, the boundaries of respective rights. Not that examples are lacking to support this reasoning; among thousands, we will cite but two.
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Already, the Revue des ColoniesRevue des Colonies has informed its readers of the violence committed by Captain BardelBardel against the militiaman Eudoxis SugninEudoxis Sugnin, a man of color.Sugnin was incarcerated for failing to attend a review where a third of the company was absent, under an order worded as follows: ““According to the orders I received from M. Captain Bardel, of the central company, M. Eudoxis Sugnin is to report to the guardroom for forty-eight hours.”” Signed Sarotte, Sergeant Major.M. Sugnin had the audacity to protest this arbitrary detention; he was soon, at the instigation of Commandant CaffieCommandant Caffie, thrown for seven days—without any trial other than an order from the governor—into the citadel of Fort-RoyalFort-Royal, known as the Redoute Bouillé. One hardly knows whether to more vigorously denounce the arbitrary conduct of the authorities in this instance or the profound disregard for humanity exhibited by the militia leaders toward men of color. They think nothing of casting them into a dungeon but feeding them... that, it seems, is too much care. The heart breaks to think that, without the pity of the soldiers guarding the Redoute Bouillé, Sugnin would have starved to death!This system of oppression against men of color by militia leaders is not new; it is a natural consequence of the skin prejudice so difficult to eradicate from the colonies.Here is an incident that occurred in 1825; it is remarkable for the cynicism of its condemnation. At that time, the militia battalion commander of Fort-Royal wrote to M. Charles QuiberonM. Charles Quiberon, a man of color and merchant, requesting that he send a barrel of salted cod. Quiberon refused to deliver the cod, explaining that he had several outstanding claims against this colonist that he could not collect. His refusal proved costly: the next day, he received, as a militiaman, an order from the battalion commander to spend forty-eight hours in prison.This bizarre mixture of military authority applied to private interests might provoke astonishment and pity if it did not ultimately result in a merchant being torn from his business, a father separated from his family, and a citizen banished from his home to serve time under lock and key for the "crime" of refusing to deliver goods on credit to a militia commander.These abuses will cease only when the government, through organic laws and notably a law on the National Guard, develops the seeds of political emancipation deposited in the law of April 24, 1835. All free men in the colonies, regardless of color, are now French citizens. Why should they not, as in the metropolis, be judged by their peers, by a disciplinary council, for infractions of National Guard service?This matter deserves the full attention of the chambers. If the government neglects to respond to this need for reform, we shall appeal to the deputies' right of initiative.UNITED STATES.RIOTS IN PHILADELPHIA AND CHARLESTOWN.The cities of Philadelphia and Charlestown, in Massachusetts, have recently been the scene of tumultuous events of a grave nature. In Philadelphia, the mob, incited against unfortunate Blacks, repeated the excesses recently witnessed in New York, ransacking and destroying the homes, churches, and properties of these new pariahs. In Charlestown, under the utterly baseless pretext that a nun had disappeared from a Catholic convent, the populace turned against the peaceful abode of women wholly dedicated to the education of young girls, most of whom were Protestant. Outrage, insult, and plunder were quickly followed by a vast fire that, in mere moments, completely destroyed all the Ursuline conventUrsuline convent buildings.Here are some details about the riots in Philadelphia: “"A group of young men who frequented the ring-toss game where Blacks often gathered were repelled and beaten by the latter on the evening of August 12. Later, a crowd of about 500 childrenchildren and youths, many armed with clubs, passed through South Street to the location of the ring-toss game. Within minutes, the building was attacked and completely demolished, and a pitched battle ensued on the spot between the youths and the Blacks. The outcome was indecisive; the whites then descended South Street and attacked a house occupied by a Black family, who fortunately managed to escape. After this act, the mob spread to Bedford and Mary Streets, which are inhabited by people of color, and seemed to be looking for further opportunities to commit violence."” “"Around nine o'clock, the police attempted to disperse the crowd and arrest the leaders of the mob. This effort was met with fierce resistance and a stubborn fight. Amid cries of Down with the police! a group of constables forced their way through the crowd and arrested eighteen of the most active participants. Several police officers were badly injured; Mr. HegrenMr. Hegren, their chief, was seriously wounded. The arrested individuals, unable to post bail, were sent to prison to await trial."” “"On the evening of the 15th, the police had withdrawn, leaving the neighborhood, where disorder was expected, relatively calm. However, the crowd gathered again and repeated the previous night's scenes. Houses occupied by families of color seemed to be the target of their attacks, and any isolated Black individuals were mercilessly beaten."” “"In this second clash, a Presbyterian church belonging to a Black congregation was heavily damaged; windows, pews, and the pulpit were all broken. A nearby house was also ransacked. It is not yet known if anyone was killed. The police force has been doubled and is actively seeking the perpetrators of these criminal acts."” What we earnestly desire is the implementation of human rights, the universal establishment of a social order where humanity is respected in all its members, regardless of their color or rank at birth. If certain forms of government are incompatible with such a state of affairs, we repudiate them on that basis alone, without assigning undue value to mere labels. Republic or monarchy, it matters not; wherever masses of Black or white men suffer, wherever education and privileges are reserved for a few to the exclusion of the many, we shall oppose the established order, whatever name it bears. Certainly, we do not believe that the crude violence perpetrated by a segment of the American populace against Blacks and their allies is inherent to the political constitution of the United States. Nevertheless, these are regrettable incidents that tarnish the honor of transatlantic civilization, and it is essential to condemn them in the interest of humanity, without being distracted by the supposed excellence of this country’s fundamental laws.ENGLAND.LONDON.The following excerpt from a speech delivered by Lord MulgraveLord Mulgrave, in response to an address recently presented to him by the Society for Universal EmancipationSociety for Universal Emancipation, offers a fair assessment of the spirit and sentiments currently animating the planters of JamaicaJamaica. It is worth recalling that Lord Mulgrave served as governor of this colony, where he earned a reputation as a capable administrator and a friend to humanity."There is one truth, gentlemen, that it is especially important for us to fully grasp: your task, however advanced it may be, is not yet entirely complete. Before the great social revolution underway in our colonies yields its full results, much remains to be done. Remember, I speak to you as a private individual, unencumbered by any public office that might restrain the expression of my thoughts. You must continue to guide the actions of all those whose cooperation is necessary for the implementation of the law. Certainly, I would regret saying anything that might alienate you from the planter class. On the contrary, I am pleased to inform you that their general attitude has significantly improved. Among those residing in the colony, I found many who were eager to provide me with valuable assistance. But the system we oppose is so fundamentally flawed that it will always lead men to cruelly and senselessly abuse their privileges. I witnessed with deep regret that planters still retain the arbitrary power to impose disciplinary punishments on their slaves. Up until the eve of my departure for EnglandEngland, serious incidents confirmed that these punishments are not always deserved. I would receive complaints, become convinced that the punishment was unwarranted and excessive, yet I would be forced to ask the unfortunate Black complainant the decisive question: Were you given more than thirty-nine lashes, the number permitted by law? And since he could rarely be certain, I was compelled to advise him, for his own good, to endure his suffering in silence and not pursue the matter further."FRANCE.PARIS.COUR DE CASSATIONCOUR DE CASSATION.Hearing of September 12. Presided by Mr. BastardMr. Bastard.APPEAL OF CÉSAIRECÉSAIRE (FROM GRAND'ANSE).The daily newspapers have reported on this case. The Revue des ColoniesRevue des Colonies owes its readers a more detailed account. It carefully records all events through which the social state of the colonies can be assessed in FranceFrance. The trial of Césaire has significant implications in this regard.A dispute arose in public between two passersby over a trivial matter. The participants were Mr. Salomon, a man of color showing off a horse he was riding, and a white man, Mr. Bayardelle, who reprimanded the rider. They exchanged words; nothing unusual, but a third party intervened, Mr. Lasserre, a colonist from Grand'AnseGrand'Anse. He exclaimed, “I would not have had such patience.” He hurled insults and threats, armed himself with a saber, and provoked Salomon. The latter and his friends displayed prudence and restraint, withdrawing to avoid disorder.
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The following day, however, they demanded reparation. Mr. Fréjus, one of them, was tasked with requesting it; his insolence would be cruelly punished. Here, we let the unfortunate victim, who later died from the mistreatment he reported, speak for himself: ““He (Mr. Lasserre) grabbed me by the collar with one hand and punched me twice in the face with the other, shouting: ‘Give me my stick.’ His wife brought it to him, and he rained down a flurry of blows on me, despite my pleas such as: ‘Sir, for heaven’s sake, listen to me.’” He paid no heed and kept striking me, calling for his gun and summoning his workshop. I cried for help, but he knocked me down, and while I was on the ground, he struck me between the eyes with a stone. His wife said to him: “‘Don’t kill him!’”” .After these acts of violence, which occurred on August 4 and 5, 1833, Mr. Lasserre approached the authorities and requested a safeguard, claiming his life was in danger. Two militia dragoons were assigned to escort him. During the night of August 5 to 6, around 9 PM, a gunshot felled one of the dragoons’ horses. A few hours later, a second gunshot was heard at the same location, and the next day, the horse was found to have two wounds: one on the neck, perpendicular, as if inflicted by its rider, and another on the knee. The dismounted dragoon reportedly hid in a nearby cane field, while the other and Mr. Lasserre fled.These events led to a triple investigation: against Salomon, against Lasserre, who admitted his crime, and against unknown perpetrators of the nighttime incident deemed an attempt on Lasserre’s life. Nonetheless, only this latter incident was brought to trial. The charges were formulated as follows: conspiracy against Mr. Lasserre’s life; attempted assassination with premeditation and ambush. The accused was Césaire, against whom the investigation appeared to raise sufficient presumptions.At the Saint-PierreSaint-Pierre Assizes in December 1833, Césaire was declared not guilty as the perpetrator of the crime. However, a question of complicity was raised as resulting from the proceedings. Despite his defense counsel’s opposition, he was declared complicit with the unknown perpetrators and consequently sentenced to death.
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Such a case had to be brought before the supreme courtsupreme court. Césaire’s appeal was filed.An initial report was presented on April 4 regarding the grounds for annulment submitted by Mr. GatineMr. Gatine, who sought the immediate nullification of the conviction. However, the court deemed it necessary to first request additional documents from the Martinique prosecution. After five months of waiting, during which Césaire’s imprisonment reportedly worsened, the requested documents were finally submitted, allowing the case to proceed on September 13.M. de RicardM. de Ricard, counselor, read a report remarkable for its lucidity, conscientious analysis of the facts and arguments, and enlightened critique. He read the two briefs submitted by Mr. Gatine in support of the appeal and presented observations on each proposed argument. He himself raised a significant issue stemming from the misapplication of the penalty, which the defense eagerly seized upon.M. Gatine had the floor.““Gentlemen,” he began, “never have I stood before your bench with greater confidence in your supreme justice. The condemnation of Césaire has long been judged by you; there is not a judge or juror in France who would have convicted him. But before the assize courts of our colonies, before the bastard jury of assessors, the accused lack those precious guarantees that protect the inviolability of the innocent. On the other hand, numerous grounds for appeal regularly arise in colonial proceedings. We must thank providence for placing the remedy beside the harm. This case offers a clear example.”“However, today we no longer have all our arguments. Before the court’s interlocutory ruling, several grounds were raised related to the issue of complicity, which alone led to Césaire’s conviction. This incident of the trial, which became the entire trial, held the utmost gravity and solemn importance in the case. What judge’s conscience could contemplate without terror the tenuous and almost indiscernible connections by which the condemned was linked to the crime!”“First, was there a crime? An act of homicide? Absolute doubt; it was a horse that was killed, perhaps by its rider, not a man.”But was the bullet not intended for one of the three riders, for one among them, for Lasserre? Perhaps.Who is the author of this intentional murder? Whose hand so poorly directed this stray bullet? We do not know.Is it the accused, Césaire? No; the court’s verdict says otherwise.Is he at least complicit? Perhaps, as he was either at the crime scene or nearby. Consequently, we will pose the question of complicity, which was not part of the original accusation but arises from the debates, since Césaire was at the scene or nearby.Is he guilty as an accomplice through aid and assistance? - Yes.”Thus, gentlemen, through what deductions, through what sequence of diminishing culpabilities, it has been necessary to proceed in order to find a guilty party. Until now, we did not know the grounds upon which the question of complicity had been raised, and we considered the absence of evident grounds to be a point in our argument. But the incidental ruling sent to us by the prosecutor’s office in Martinique now provides the answer. It states, verbatim, this astounding reasoning: ““Whereas it results, both from Césaire’s confession and from the testimony of several witnesses heard during the debates, that Césaire was either at a short distance from the place where the crime was committed, or at the scene itself.Voilà, messieurs, tout le fondement d'une condamnation à mort ! effrayante et désolante pensée !Cependant les juges de Césaire ont légalement tenu sa tête entre leurs mains. Ils ont par arrêt régulier ordonné la position de cette question de complicité sur laquelle seulement ils l'ont déclaré coupable. Aujourd'hui, par la production de cet arrêt, les moyens relatifs à cet incident nous échappent. Le condamné ne peut que se les réserver sous le bénéfice d'une inscription de faux. La cour comprend parfaitement notre pensée. Cette inscription de faux n'est pour nous qu'une subsidiaire, un dernier refuge au cas où, par impossible, les moyens qui nous restent seraient rejetés. Une immense responsabilité pèse d'ailleurs sur l'avocat, dans ce procès
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où il s'agit de la tête ; et lorsque nous étions nantis d'une procuration ad hoc, nous avons dû faire usage des pouvoirs transmis par le condamné, pour lui assurer, le cas échéant, les moyens sur lesquels reposait d'abord principalement le succès de son recours en cassation. Mais puisse la cour, en accueillant ceux qui restent, éloigner de Césaire toute pensée de défiance contre les juges qui l'ont condamné dans les circonstances que la cour sait.”M. Gatine announces that he will particularly focus on developing two arguments. As for the others, the defense of the condemned will be sufficiently addressed by the arguments and the work so full of dedication from M. le conseiller-rapporteur. ““Gentlemen,” the lawyer continues, “in this trial, we do not have proof of compliance with one of the most important formalities in criminal matters: the publicity of the hearings. These lasted three days, from 19 to 21 December; the minutes of the sessions contain no statement from which it can be inferred that the hearing on 20 was held publicly. One might vainly argue that the mention of publicity exists for the first and last hearings. It must exist for all, explicitly and textually. When a defendant defends his life, there are no minute formalities, even in the colonies, where a man’s life can so easily be taken, as this entire trial demonstrates.”” Here, M. Gatine recalls that the colonial ordinance of 24 September 1828 requires the publicity of criminal hearings, just as the charter itself demands it in France. He cites several rulings in which the cour de cassationcour de cassation held that this publicity must be verified for each hearing when several days are devoted to proceedings. “"If the French overseas," he adds, "do not have our assize courts or our jury system, they can at least apply the rulings of this supreme court, which enforces the great principles of public law recognized on all French soil. I need not dwell on this point."” (Acknowledgment from the court.)The lawyer then addresses a second argument, derived from the fact that the penalty was improperly applied to the act as it was determined by the verdict of the court and the assessors. He focuses on the questions posed and the responses to those questions, whether affirmative or negative. With skill, he contrasts them, highlighting this conclusion: that Cé-
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saire was declared guilty only of an act not covered by criminal law, a mere attempt at homicide lacking the legal characteristics, without the circumstances that render the attempt equivalent to the crime. Consequently, no penalty could have been pronounced against Césaire, and since the declaration as it stands is in his favor, there is sufficient reason to annul the conviction, without referral to another court of assizes.We regret that the abundance of material confines us to a mere analysis of this compelling section of the plea.Mr. Gatine, after a brief summary, exclaims in conclusion: “"With what bitterness, with what just outrage at violated justice could we linger on every detail of this trial! Poor Césaire, condemned to death merely for being, whether at the scene or near the scene of an attempted homicide that MAYBE occurred! Césaire, whose suffering in prison has intensified, as we are told, as a punitive response to his appeal in cassation! Surely, Césaire has every right to expose the countless flaws in the administration of justice in the colonies. But soon, they will all be too glaringly revealed by what may well be the most egregious judicial atrocity in history. Césaire stands as the first in this long and grim series of condemned men from Grand’Anse, whose appeals are now reaching the court. The current case is intrinsically tied to the deplorable events we already know: it was their genesis, along with other equally valid grievances of the people of color. And after Césaire, there are EIGHTY-SEVEN convicts, of whom FORTY-ONE face the death penalty, whom we shall come to defend before this court. Ah! Undoubtedly, gentlemen, a thought worthy of your supreme justice must already occupy your minds: it is to spare our unfortunate American colonies the horror of so many gallows. Begin today with Césaire. Even the judges who condemned him have unanimously recommended him to royal clemency. The court, likewise exercising its high prerogative, can, by annulling without referral, deliver immediate and resounding justice."” This plea, listened to with keen interest by the court, is followed by general signs of approval.M. Viger, the Advocate-General, then took the floor. He concluded in favor of
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annulment on the two grounds specifically argued by the lawyer. He remarked that great confusion reigned in the formulation of the questions: “"As a result," he said, "Césaire is declared complicit in the alleged attempt; that is all. Whether complicit with or without the circumstances indicated is irrelevant. Since these circumstances were deemed absent for the principal offenders due to the negative response given in their case, they could not apply to the accomplice. The questions and answers do not constitute a clear, explicit, and personal declaration of guilt against Césaire. He could not have been sentenced to death."” The court withdrew to the council chamber for deliberation. After two hours, it resumed the session, and the president announced that the decision would be delivered at the next hearing. Here it is as rendered on 15 September, following new deliberations.“The Court, considering Article 4 of the ordinance of 24 September 4828 and Article 417 of the Code of Criminal Procedure applicable to the colony. Whereas the minutes of the proceedings do not indicate that the hearing on 20 September was public, there is no legal proof that this essential formality was observed, which constitutes a violation of the aforementioned laws and necessitates the annulment of the proceedings;And ruling on the motion for cassation without referral, whereas the proceedings are annulled for lack of publicity, all resulting outcomes must also be annulled; the declaration of guilt, not having been legally rendered, must therefore be considered null and void in its entirety;For these reasons, and without the need to rule on the other grounds, the court annuls the proceedings and everything that followed, including the judgment of condemnation; refers the trial records and the accused to the assize court of Fort-RoyalFort-Royal; orders that this ruling be printed and transcribed into the records of the assize court of Saint-PierreSaint-Pierre.It is with joy that we bring this ruling to the attention of our compatriots. It will cast a ray of hope into the hearts of the condemned of the Grand'AnseGrand'Anse and so many grieving families.”
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CONVERSATION BETWEEN M. BISSETTEM. BISSETTE AND M. LUCYM. LUCY (15 SEPTEMBER 1834) UNDER THE ARCHWAY OF THE MINISTRY OF MARINE. “Well then? We can greet each other here and say hello; do you recognize me? – Certainly, you are M. BissetteM. Bissette. And you don’t blush! No, you pale, and I understand. Do not fear; I have no intention of resorting to acts of violence or physical assault against you; I want you to tell me if you believe you did your duty in branding me with a hot iron, disregarding my appeal to the court of cassation. M. Bissette, forget the past; it has been ten years since you pursued me. I have not responded to any of your writings because magistrates are exposed to criticism for their actions. Don’t hold it against me; do not hate me; I made a mistake; who does not make mistakes? Look here in France if magistrates do not make mistakes every day. – A judge can make a mistake, yes, but the magistrate responsible for executing the verdict must not. The appeal was suspensive, and you showed an unforgivable relentlessness; you executed it despite our cassation appeal, despite the tears of our families begging you for a reprieve. But, M. Bissette, forget the past, I beg you: I have been very unhappy; don’t attack my heart as a man, pity instead the magistrate who erred. Haven’t you been more than avenged? The verdict was overturned; what more could you desire? Public opinion has surrounded you; it has done you justice; these are consolations, M. Bissette. – Yes, they are, and it is this compensation that silences the resentment I could have justly harbored against you. – My sonMy son met your son yesterday in the park of Saint-Cloud, and he greeted him. I know! And what do I care? This is not about your son and mine; my son is aware of the persecutions you made me endure; he knows everything; but I do not raise him to hate his fellow beings. He is a classmate of your young son, and he has never reproached him for your cruelties. Our children must remain strangers to all this. – Yes, M. Bissette, let us raise our children so that they are not enemies of one another. It is my eldest son who greeted your son. I came to FranceFrance to have him study law. I do not despair of seeing our country happy and peaceful; the fusion is happening every day. Yes, with the guillotines and death sentences for forty-one individuals at a time. You were a judge in the Grand'Anse case. – Yes, but M. LéonceM. Léonce was unanimously acquitted. Your friends must have written to you that I am a moderate; the whites say that I am no longer a supporter of their political system; I received votes from men of color in the elections. I did not want to be a member of the general council; I refused to be nominated in five constituencies at once; in Fort-Royal, I was put forward as the president of the constituency, in opposition to M. RainouardM. Rainouard, who was M. Dupotet’sM. Dupotet’s candidate. I no longer want to be a politician; I am disillusioned with public affairs. I am retiring from the judiciary, and in a year, I will be nothing; I will take my retirement. You are very clever, M. LucyM. Lucy, and you are proving it at this moment. But let us not stray, I beg you, from the question. Tell me if you have a clear conscience about branding me! It is not that I am ashamed of this mark, which today is my glory, but I want to know your true opinion. M. BissetteM. Bissette, do not return to that. I have always been fair to you in everything you have written. Since this affair, you have often attacked me, and I have never wanted to respond. But you are evading the question: answer about this mark inflicted despite the cassation appeal; come now, do not be afraid. The cassation appeal is a revolutionary institution. The Court of CassationCourt of Cassation dates back to 1791, and the old tribunals could execute rulings regardless of appeals. The colonies were governed by these old practices. Article 29 of the Edict of 1758 authorized execution despite the appeal. Yes, but the ordinance of 1755 repealed this provision; you knew it and went ahead anyway. I could not do otherwise; but General DonzelotDonzelot could have stopped everything; he refused to listen to the pleas of your wifeyour wife and Madame FabienMadame Fabien, who threw themselves at his feet. I have been very unhappy to see my name linked to this affair. I came to France in 1824; I did nothing to prevent the success of your cassation appeal. – You blame DonzelotDonzelot; Donzelot, in turn, says it was you; I say it was both of you. And this Donzelot, Providence willed that during an attack or weakness—who knows—he fell at my feet in the Passage Vivienne; I saw an old man collapse under his weight; I lifted him and recognized General Donzelot. It is the hand of God that directed all of this, and it is another satisfaction for me to have extended a helping hand to the man who, along with you, caused me so much harm... It is an act of humanity, Mr. Bissette, and it speaks in your favor. I am a supporter of men of color; they can tell you, things have changed. In the early moments of the revolution, the abrupt changes that occurred irritated the whites, but today only a few still resist progress. The whites know your influence over men of color. – Say it also applies to your slaves, yes, your slaves! – I know. And that is what you fear the most; but I prefer peaceful fusion to all movements of insurrection. The inhabitants believe that you want to slaughter them, that you want to ruin them. – Your inhabitants are fools. No, they are mistaken, but they are sincere in their error, which is why a small number still resists the concessions. Then they are fools. I wish, Mr. Bissette, that you could know me well: you would have a completely different opinion of me today. – Oh! I know you well enough: I know that you lead your colleagues in the royal court, that you are the author of all the harm done in MartiniqueMartinique, and that if you used your intellect for good, no one would be better suited than you to bring about the fusion we aim to achieve. – I am thinking about it, Mr. Bissette; and perhaps you believe I came to France to block the appeal of the condemned from Grand’AnseGrand’Anse. I accompanied M. Duclary, who is going to BordeauxBordeaux to fetch his son to enroll him in a boarding school here in Paris. Well, I give you my word of honor that I will not make a single move against the condemned. – That is wise; as for me, I am already attending to those unfortunate individuals, and I will continue to do so. I can already tell you that not a single head will fall; no scaffold will be raised for any of them, and not one will go to the galleys. – I hope so. – It will happen. – Mr. FabienMr. Fabien has treated me abominably in his writings. – And you, how did you treat him? Did you not brand him too, despite his appeal to cassation? He has not said a single untruth about you. You always retreat into your judicial functions, and when your acts as a magistrate are criticized, you fall back into your conscience as a man. Well, I will address both aspects. It was as Attorney General that you summoned my wife to your office, escorted by two gendarmes, to seize a letter—the last comfort I had left for her and my children. That letter, as you know, was written upon leaving the execution site. My shoulder was still burning; the brand that you had ordered the executioner to apply was still fresh; yet I wrote, despite the fever, urging forgiveness—for you and for my judges. The very forgiveness of the past that you now seek, I was advocating for then. I comforted my wife and children with religious sentiments, with Christian charity; and you had the audacity to threaten this unfortunate woman, who was without support, to tear her away from her children, to make her endure my fate, to send her to the galleys, if she did not hand over that letter to you. You had no pity for her plight; she presented you with an eight-month-old infant she was nursing, hoping to touch your heart, if not as a magistrate, then as a man; yet nothing could sway you... She yielded to your threats and your gendarmes, gave you the letter, and you burned it after reading it. That was outside your judicial functions. Answer this, sir; is it not vile of you to have exploited a woman’s grief, to torment her in all her affections and even in her sources of consolation? Was it the magistrate or the man who burned the letter? You are silent, sir, answer me! – I admit I was wrong, and I reproach myself for that act, but perhaps I can find some excuse in the widespread agitation at the time. – Call it terror for some and rage for others. – There was no rage, but effervescence. – There was both. – For my part, Mr. Bissette, I did not know you or Mr. Fabien; I could not harbor any resentment against you or act out of hatred. But let us forget all this past; see if your name has ever been mentioned even once in the trial of the Grand’Anse. – But you always evade the questions, Mr. Lucy. Well! I will tell you that my name appears twice in the indictment. -What is
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the indictment? Certainly, the men of color from Grand’Anse may have mentioned your name, like that of M. Léonce, in their speeches; but see if the proceedings took it into account. M. Léonce was acquitted, as I already told you, unanimously. Today, in Martinique, all wise men want and desire reconciliation. -Why don’t you bring about this reconciliation? You will never achieve it with your capital punishments. Well, sir, I believe, and it is my opinion, that you and a few other colonists are the only obstacles to fusion. If you sincerely want it as I do, and without ulterior motives, let us each act on our side to make it happen; I will renounce my sentiments, personal as they are, regarding what I feel against you: I will silence in my heart this sentiment that I could not repress when seeing you. And it is not hatred, sir, as you claim, it is something worse. I would consent, in the interest of my country and my friends, to forget the harm you caused me and them, if you would act among your own people to have them renounce all resentment, all caste hatred. The men of color detest you, even though you claim they gave you votes in the elections; well, I promise to bring them back if peace is made between the two classes, if your friends will act in good faith and sincerity. It will be a noble example to see the two classes, to see me, Bissette, your enemy, agree to forget the past to bring about reconciliation between our two groups. -Mr. Bissette, I am not your enemy. -I am yours; let me say, I would do it, but I have no confidence in the word of your people; if the treaty were made, they would be capable of assassinating me upon returning to the country. -Ah! Mr. Bissette, where do you see assassinations? There is no place in the world where assassination is less frequent than in the colonies, and honestly, can you cite a single case of assassination as you mean it? There are many fights, but no assassinations. The word assassination is figurative here; I mean that they would create trouble for me, start affairs, imprison me without cause to get rid of me, and thus assassinate me, not physically but morally. I have spoken, sir; but I do not absolve you; I must part from you, for the Colonial Director is waiting for me.””
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This conversation, ex abrupto, occurred only by chance when M. Bissette encountered M. Lucy at the Ministry of the Navy. M. Bissette, driven by an irresistible impulse and with no other aim than to confront face-to-face the dreadful Attorney General who had him BRANDED, disregarding all notions of justice and injustice, all laws then in force—no matter how detestable they may have been—and his appeal to the Court of Cassation, has reproduced the words here. Despite his reluctance to involve the public in his personal matters, he considered it vital for the truth in this regard to reach the colonies in its entirety and not be distorted by the false interpretations habitually propagated by his overseas adversaries.M. Bissette wrote this conversation exactly as it is presented here, upon returning home the very evening it took place, ne varietur. M. Bissette does not even believe he misremembered the phrasing, however verbose, of the Attorney General. In any case, he is certain that he has conveyed its meaning with the utmost fidelity. Any other version that might emerge can, in all truth, be considered false and deceitful.MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.Mr. Henri DutrôneMr. Henri Dutrône, counselor at the royal court of AmiensAmiens, has been tasked by the government to study in AlgiersAlgiers the possibilities for organizing and spreading education in this colony.-Mr. BabeMr. Babe, auditor-counselor at the royal court of GuadeloupeGuadeloupe, has been appointed titular counselor at MartiniqueMartinique, replacing Mr. PécoulMr. Pécoul.-It is reported in the Journal de la marine: A few days before the departure of Captain BarbédienneCaptain Barbédienne, commander of l'Aimable Lucette, who left on July 17 from Pointe-à-PitrePointe-à-Pitre, the news of the appointment of Count JacobCount Jacob as Minister of the Navy was received in Guadeloupe. The
inhabitants, who were administered by the admiral for
a long time, were delighted by this event. However, this does not include some colonial councilors who, thinking him powerless and without influence, stripped him of his delegation duties just as he was entering the ministry and would have had to resign from them anyway. They lacked foresight and are now greatly concerned that the minister will not lack memory. They are undoubtedly mistaken: Count Jacob is not a man to hold grudges.functions of the delegate at the very moment he entered the ministry and was necessarily forced to resign them. They lacked instinct and are very much afraid that the minister does not lack memory. They are certainly wrong: Count Jacob is not a man to hold a grudge.- We are pleased to learn that a wealthy planter recently embarked from one of the ports in EnglandEngland for JamaicaJamaica, where he plans to completely emancipate, on August 1, 1854, the slaves working on his plantations. He does not doubt that the newly freed black individuals will willingly negotiate to work his lands. May this example find individuals worthy of understanding and following it!- The journal AbolitionistAbolitionist reveals a distressing fact. While England, in an act of generosity unparalleled in history, sacrifices its own needs to pay part of humanity's immense debt to the enslaved, there are still Englishmen vile enough to participate indirectly or directly in the slave trade. Several
merchants in London, it is reported, have invested their capital in enterprises set up to exploit mines in South America, where enslaved Africans, abducted from their homeland, are mercilessly buried every day. ““The same occurs in BrazilBrazil,” adds the Abolitionist: “English investors, as shareholders in similar ventures, have advanced funds to purchase around five hundred slaves employed in the country's mines.”” FRENCH COLONIES.MARTINIQUEWe are writing from Saint-Pierre:
“The reaction here has been so complete since the infamous ruling in the case of Grand'AnseGrand'Anse that our privileged officials have no qualms about violating all laws; they are advancing rapidly from persecution to the most revolting arbitrariness. The prosecutor of the king, Mr. Aubert-ArmandMr. Aubert-Armand, is making the young LouisyLouisy (this patroné, whose trial caused such an uproar and who won the annulment of the ruling sentencing him to the galleys) pay for the grave offense of displeasing his judges by appealing their ruling. LouisyLouisy, wishing to regularize his freedom papers, requested authorization from the prosecutor of the king to register in the civil registry; this official refused, saying Louisy is a bad subject who has no document to justify his status as a free man. We replied that the lengthy legal proceedings before the colony’s courts and the Court of Cassation were sufficient to prove his patroné status and that no document was required other than proof of identity. When Mr. Aubert-ArmandMr. Aubert-Armand asked for the militia enlistment document Louisy had obtained, we responded that this piece had been included in the file sent to the Court of Cassation, which should now be at the registry of the royal court in the colony. A petition was addressed to the prosecutor general, Arsène NoguesArsène Nogues, to retrieve this document, but the petitioner was disgracefully dismissed by this magistrate: "You come here, claiming your papers? Do you think you’re free?" Louisy had the good sense to reply that the Court of Cassation had recognized him as such: "No," retorted Mr. Nogues, "you are nothing but a slave. Did you get your master's permission to come here? You had the audacity to strike a white man; the mulattos snuck you a fake enlistment paper in your prison, and now you dare demand this title from me? Get out of here before I send you to jail."” This disgraceful behavior by this magistrate hardly inspires respect. Furthermore, the sentiment we feel for Mr. Nogues is far from that of esteem. Can one go further in disregarding decorum? A magistrate, a prosecutor general, who stoops to rejecting a plaintiff’s claim with insults and invective, and who seems to reproach someone he failed to send to the galleys for winning the annulment of the monstrous ruling rendered on his conclusions. Truly, my dear friend, if one could regret the RICHARD-LucyRICHARD-Lucys and Dessalless, no one would make us regret them more than Mr. Arsène Nogues. These three men certainly stand on equal footing, and MartiniqueMartiniquewill long remember their actions as public prosecutors.We are writing from Fort-Royal:
It has been impossible for us to see or communicate with the unfortunate CésaireCésaire, who has been in solitary confinement since his transfer from Saint-Pierre to Fort-RoyalFort-Royal. It was only when representatives entered the prison to secure a general proxy for the condemned in the Grand'Anse case that they managed to slip him an indicative note for his authorization. The next day, he was placed in the same room as the other prisoners, where he was finally able to meet with the notary to draft the proxy as intended, to contest the ruling, if necessary, by invoking falsehood. All the condemned are shackled and endure the most cruel
treatment.RICHARD-LUCY and Mr. Duclary are leaving for France; they will likely defend the death sentence they pronounced in the Grand'Anse case. Lucy, it is said, intends to pull every string to secure a position at the Court of CassationCourt of Cassation, whether as counselor or as advocate general. It would not be surprising if he counted among his credentials for this high office the vile act of having, as prosecutor general in 1824, executed on you and your companions the infamous sentence condemning you to branding and perpetual galleys, despite your appeal to the Court of Cassation. Lucy relies heavily on the protection of Admiral Jacob, now Minister of the Navy and Colonies; but we cannot believe that the minister’s protection would stoop so low. By supporting RICHARD-LUCY’s ambitions, the minister of the July Revolution would be doing what the ministers of the Restoration never dared.Another letter from Fort-Royal states:
Prosecutor General Nogues is exceedingly harsh toward the Grand'Anse detainees. These unfortunate individuals are only allowed to communicate with their families on Thursdays. He put poor Césaire in solitary confinement because he called a notary to draft a proxy to contest an incidental ruling by the Saint-Pierre Assizes Court. Mr. Nogues searched Césaire, found an explanatory note on him regarding what he needed to do to obtain this document, and told him he would remain in solitary confinement until he revealed who had given him the note.One of the Grand'Anse convicts who had been in the hospital for eight days has just died. It is Mr. Sainte-Rose-Barthel, sentenced to five years of imprisonment. His family, through our intervention, made requests to the authorities to claim his body for burial, but even this sad consolation was denied. He was buried by the chain gang!GUYANE.
A report from CayenneCayenne, dated August 3, states:
For nearly two months, the outcome of disputes between two members of the court, MM. de PontevèsMM. de Pontevès and the attorney general Vidal de Lingendes, has been known in Cayenne. It is known that Mr. de Pontevès was dismissed in Paris from all accusations he had thought fit to bring against the attorney general. The
triumph
of the latter, the dismissal of his adversary, and his replacement by the prosecutor of the king GibelinGibelin, have created an effect difficult to describe on the minds of the highly divided partisans of the two magistrates. The astonishment, to say the least, reached its peak when it was learned that the president of the royal court himself was reprimanded and invited to resign for disapproving of Mr. Vidal's conduct and expressing this disapproval frankly in his reports to the minister.M. PersegolM. Persegol had earned esteem here for a certain independence that could not conform to the despotic tendencies of our higher authorities. On this occasion, he did not betray his character and, wasting no time, either requested or took leave, departing the colony. Resolved to offer the resignation requested of him, he left for
France
to justify his conduct and prove that, in the reports where he is accused of distorting the facts that occurred before his eyes and in which he had been a principal actor, he had written nothing but the exact truth.Thus, the royal court of
Guyane
, barely established, is already in disarray. Four magistrates out of seven who constitute it have been put out of office. Yesterday, August 2, one could read in our gazette an adoption ruling signed by six judges, four of whom were acting in provisional, honorary, or interim capacities. Given such a composition, could one suspect that there exists an ordinance, too recent to have already fallen into disuse, which established a sovereign court among us and appointed its members, whose salaries appear in our colonial budget at nearly 70,000 francs?The
Guyane
, like the island of Bourbon, is a colony filled with
independent
and liberal minds. The July Revolution was warmly received here; but the triumph of the faction governing us has, in recent days, made even the boldest lower their heads. You can imagine the prestige such successes create in a small locality. People tremble at the thought of provoking complaints from individuals who are always given the benefit of the doubt because they are aligned with those in power, which refuses to admit error. Later, of course, reparations are made for those who were unjustly targeted. This is how M. Boyer, a counselor, was transferred with a higher salary from Guyane to MartiniqueMartinique.It is unclear what will become of MM. Pontevès and Persegol. What is certain is that their departure from Cayenne is a true source of grief for those who wish to see at least the independence of the judiciary respected. We wholeheartedly call for legislation on this important subject. Nothing is more vital for our colonies. No one can sleep peacefully with courts that a governor or attorney general can dismantle at will. Justice must finally leave the domain of the marine administration and come under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice. This is a reform long
overdue.
Let us hope that the scenes enacted in our royal court, the
clarifications
and debates resulting from the case bringing Mr. Persegol to Paris, will at least enlighten the government's opinion and raise this significant issue in Parliament.BOURBON. ““..... As I write to you, the entire city is in a state of great agitation. The question that has preoccupied everyone for
so long
is about to be resolved: which faction will prevail?..... the opposition or the moderates?
This means that the general council, convened in an extraordinary session, is currently focused on the election of our delegates.
A significant number of candidates have been put forward by both the moderate faction and the opposition. Among these candidates, the following names are mentioned: MM. Legoff, Orsat, A. Bédier, Sully-BrunetSully-Brunet, and ConilConil. The latter two have been put forward by the opposition. It is widely believed that they will be elected. A few days ago, we experienced a brief squall that caused some damage to our plantations. Fortunately, rains that followed this unfortunate event have mitigated the disaster it caused.
Only two ships were dismasted; one of them (la Lise de Bordeaux) has just been condemned.
That is all I have to report for the moment. In my next letter, I will discuss our administration, which has suffered for far too long under the harmful influence of a family whose power has remained untouched despite the glorious July Revolution.
P.S. – Just as I was about to close my letter, I was informed of the election of MM. Sully-Brunet and ConilConil.”” FOREIGN COLONIES.JAMAICA.The following proclamation was addressed by the new governor, the Marquis of SligoMarquis of Sligo, to the island’s emancipated Black population following the new law:
““My friends, our good king, who many years ago visited Jamaica, still thinks of our island and speaks of it often. He has sent me here to take care of you and to protect your rights. But at the same time, he has ordered me to ensure justice for your former masters and to punish those who misbehave. Follow
43
my advice, for I am your friend. Be sober, honest, and diligent when your apprenticeship begins, for if you misbehave and refuse to work because you are no longer slaves, be assured that you risk punishment.
The English people are your friends and subjects of the same monarch; they have shown this by passing the bill that grants you freedom. Your masters are also your friends; they demonstrated this by supporting the same bill in the assembly. It is up to you to prove that you are worthy of this goodwill and the benefits granted to you by the new law by working diligently during your apprenticeship.
On August 1, your slavery will end! But starting from that day, your apprenticeship with your former masters will begin. This status will last for a few years, after which you will be judged worthy of full freedom. It will depend on your behavior whether your apprenticeship is shorter or longer because if you run away, you will be brought back by the maroons and the police, and your apprenticeship will be extended compared to those who behave well. You will only be required to work four and a half days per week; the remaining time will be yours to use as you please.
Do not forget, even in your joy, that everyone must work. Some work with their hands, others with their minds, but no one is respected if they do nothing.
Your role is manual labor. I urge you to fulfill it faithfully, for if you neglect your duties, you will be brought before the magistrates sent by the king to oversee you, whose duty is to act impartially and administer justice by punishing those who show poor behavior.
Do not heed the advice of the
wicked
, for if any of you refuse to fulfill the requirements of the law, you will undoubtedly regret it. You will see your companions complete their apprenticeship while you are condemned to hard labor in the house of correction as punishment for your disobedience.
44
If you follow my advice and behave well, nothing will prevent you from becoming your own masters, working for yourselves, your wives, and your
children, after the four to six years of apprenticeship imposed based on your class.
I cannot visit every estate on the island to tell you all this in person. That is why I have ordered my letter to be printed and read to all of you, so that you are not misled and are not driven by bad advice or ignorance of your duties and rights to actions you would come to regret.
I trust that you will be loyal and
obedient
subjects of our good king and that he will never have cause to regret the good he has done for you.
Your friend, who desires your happiness.
SLIGO””
August 1 was a day of widespread celebration on the island, and there was hope that all would go well. The governor's proclamation addressed to runaway slaves had a positive impact. Several hundred turned themselves in to the magistrates. The mayor spent the entire day issuing passports to those who requested them. Among the returnees was a woman who had been absent for twenty-five years and brought back four
children
with her. Mr. BainesMr. Baines, a salaried magistrate, recently traveled to SwanseaSwansea and ThetfordThetford in St. John’s IslandSt. John’s Island to explain the governor's proclamation and the
changes
in their status. His explanations and his speech were quickly mocked; Mr. Baines was loudly heckled. He had four of the main agitators arrested, and they were sent to Spanish Town. Yesterday, the magistrates began hearings on the matter. His Excellency the Governor presided over the session, and the questioning went into great detail. Two men were sentenced to forty-eight lashes each, and the other two to twelve lashes each, to be administered on the plantation. The Marquis of Sligo offered an escort to return the offenders to the plantation, but Mr. Blair, the attorney, unadvisedly declined. His Excellency gave a stern reprimand to the guilty parties and expressed his determination to rigorously suppress acts of insubordination.
45
During a special session in the parish of ManchesterManchester, a meeting was held regarding the working hours of apprentices under the new system. Several attorneys and planters presented their plans, with no complete consensus on all points. Some were more
accommodating
than others; a few allowed more time for breakfast. Generally, from April to September, work will begin at six o’clock in the morning, and from September to April, at seven. A midday break was not determined, as the laborers generally preferred having more time in the afternoon. The apprentices will work eight hours for their masters, with the remaining time available for personal use; any additional work for their masters would be paid at a fixed rate. One respectable colonist stated that he had already agreed to pay 5 pounds
sterling
per year to each first-class apprentice for extra work, with others being paid proportionally. In this plantation alone, this arrangement would provide the apprentices with 650 pounds
sterling
annually for their personal benefit. The governor issued an ordinance to establish a new police force in the city of KingstonKingston, with plans to extend it across the entire island. Night guards have been instituted in nearly all areas to protect properties against sudden disturbances of the peace. In VérezVérez, magistrates convened to establish uniform regulations for the wages of apprentices starting on August 1. All reports agree that the events of August 1 passed without any disorder.GRENADAGRENADA.A letter from St. George'sSt. George's, dated August 3, reports:
The freedom of enslaved people was proclaimed on this island on the first of this month. On two estates, a small number of workers declared they would not work unless paid like their counterparts in the island of Antiguaisland of Antigua; however, the police quickly intervened. Since then, everything has been peaceful, and there is no expectation that this will change.I will not attempt to describe the joy that lit up the faces of those who were enslaved yesterday and are free
46
today; I leave it to your imagination. Those who predicted uprisings and countless other disasters in the West IndiesWest Indies as a result of the emancipation of enslaved people will undoubtedly be disappointed.SAINT VINCENTSAINT VINCENT.A letter from Saint Vincent, dated August 2, states:
I am pleased to report that everything here is peaceful. The newly freed individuals conducted themselves admirably yesterday.ANTIGUAANTIGUA.We are eagerly awaiting the day set for the full emancipation of enslaved people. Measures have been taken to ensure that nothing disturbs the harmonious relationship that exists between masters and the formerly enslaved on this memorable day. The doors of all churches and chapels will be opened to the grateful piety of the island's great family. Religion will instill in all hearts a spirit of brotherhood and unity, tempering the enthusiasm of the Black population caused by the attainment of a long-desired freedom.SAINT CHRISTOPHERSAINT CHRISTOPHER.Reports from this island do not confirm the rumors of disturbances it was said to have experienced. These on dits appear to be unfounded.
The 1st of August passed as the friends and advocates of emancipation had hoped.TRINIDADTRINIDAD.On August 1st, emancipated Black people descended into the city of Port of SpainPort of Spain and headed toward the government palace. Upon his arrival, the governor found the crowd assembled and learned that the purpose of this gathering was to request a pause in labor. By evening, the gathering dispersed, and the night passed peacefully.
The following morning, the emancipated individuals assembled again, seemingly undeterred by the numerous arrests made by the militia of the most
turbulensturbulent
among them. The planters insisted on the proclamation of martial law, but no such measure was taken against the Black population. None of those who came to the city carried sticks, were intoxicated, or committed theft or violence against individuals. Only the women, perhaps unaware of their husbands' reasons for moderation, seemed extraordinarily agitated. Reports from other parts of the colony are very satisfactory: everywhere, the emancipated remained at their work.HONDURASHONDURAS.The schooner Pincher, commanded by Lieutenant BoltonLieutenant Bolton, departed from JamaicaJamaica on August 15 and encountered a slave ship near Cape MaseCape Mase bound for HavanaHavana. After a brief skirmish, during which the slaver lost its mast, the vessel, carrying 190 enslaved individuals, was captured and brought to New ProvidenceNew Providence.SIERRA LEONESIERRA LEONE.It is widely known that slavers here employ several
agensagents
. These agents are tasked with purchasing ships, ostensibly for legitimate purposes, that were
capturécaptured
by the Royal Navy for engaging in the slave trade and confiscated by the regular commissions. As soon as the
bâtimensships
they acquire are repaired and well-provisioned, they return them to their original illicit purpose. They find English merchants in the colony who do not hesitate to supply them with all necessary goods for their expeditions, even though the true purpose of these goods is well known.No news has yet been received regarding the implementation or enforcement of the emancipation act in the BarbadosBarbados, BahamasBahamas, DominicaDominica, MontserratMontserrat, TobagoTobago, TortolaTortola, and NevisNevis. These British possessions, which all enjoy the
privilégeprivilege
of electing their
représentansrepresentatives
, are collectively referred to by the British as chartered colonies, a term that might be translated as the old French expression *pays d'état*.The other British colonies (the crown colonies), including TrinidadTrinidad, Saint LuciaSaint Lucia, DemeraraDemerara, BerbiceBerbice, HondurasHonduras, and MauritiusMauritius, are subject to governance by ordinances.BIBLIOGRAPHYAPPEAL TO THE FRIENDS OF HUMANITY AGAINST A DREADFUL JUDGMENT, brochure in-8, by Mr. FABIENFABIEN.There are so many forms of humanity, and it is so often shaped by circumstances, that despite the sense of shock provoked by the recent judgment of the royal court of MartiniqueMartinique in the Grand' AnseGrand' Anse case—a sentiment both general and profound—Mr. Fabien deserves gratitude for his fervent plea on behalf of his brothers. This writing is vivid and passionate; yet, it is vivid without bitterness and passionate without overexcitement. It stands as a protest against forty death sentences. When one considers that an immense revolution unfolded in FranceFrance without a single execution, one cannot help but question the social necessity of these judicial saturnalias, which recur sporadically across the seas. Forty lives to atone for an indefinable riot—this, to borrow the powerful expression of a renowned orator, is enough to demoralize the concept of punishment itself.To commend Mr. Fabien for the restraint and propriety he maintained on such a sensitive issue is to recognize, beyond the merit of his noble defense, his ability to transcend all personal resentment. It has been his destiny to triumph over unlawful violence, and thus, it is with the authority of his name and his victories that he raises his voice on behalf of the condemned from Grand' Anse. With him, we appeal to humanity—humanity in all times and places—not the kind upheld by certain individuals who have found an “honorable” proportion between the number of convictions and the number of accused. Indeed, what is as remarkable as the judgment itself is that one press outlet (a lone supporter of the colonial aristocracy) found the judgment to be filled with humanity.IMPRIMERIE D'HERHAN, 580, RUE SAINT-DENIS.
Revue ColonialeRevue ColonialeThe Revue Coloniale, was an ephemeral monthly periodical, printed in Paris during the year 1838. Its founder Édouard Bouvet and editor Rosemond Beauvallon conceived of it on the model of many similar, contemporaneous publications reporting on political and economic questions of interest to white colonists while also attending to arts and literature, as attested by the journal’s complete title: Revue Coloniale. intérêts des colons : marine, commerce, littérature, beaux-arts, théâtres, modes. In the December 1838 issue of the Revue des Colonies, Cyrille Bissette acknowledges the Revue Coloniale as both an ideological opponent and a competitor in the print market.Fondée par Édouard Bouvet et dirigée par Rosemond Beauvallon, la Revue Coloniale, sous-titrée intérêts des colons : marine, commerce, littérature, beaux-arts, théâtres, modes, souscrit au modèle des revues destinées aux propriétaires coloniaux, rendant compte de l'actualité politique et économique des colonies tout en ménageant une place aux contenus littéraires, culturels et mondains. Dans le numéro de décembre 1838 de la Revue des Colonies, Cyrille Bissette reconnaît en la Revue Coloniale tant un adversaire idéologique qu'un concurrent dans le paysage médiatique.Le Moniteur universelLe Moniteur universelLe Moniteur universel, often simply referred to as the “Le Moniteur” is one of the most frequently referenced nineteenth-century French newspapers. An important cultural signifier, it was referenced frequently in other publications, in fiction, and likely in contemporary discussions. Its title, derived from the verb monere, meaning to warn or advise, gestures at Enlightenment and Revolutionary ideals of intelligent counsel.Initially, Le Moniteur universel was merely a subtitle of the Gazette Nationale, established in 1789 by Charles-Joseph Panckouke, who also published Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie. Only in 1811 that the subtitle officially ascended to title.The Moniteur had become the official voice of the consular government in 1799. Under the Empire, it gained the privilege of publishing government acts and official communications, effectively becoming the Empire's primary propaganda outlet. However, its role was not confined to this function. It survived various political regimes, including the Revolution and the death of Panckouke in 1798. Its longevity can be attributed to its adaptability, with its successive iterations reflecting the political culture of each historical stage, transitioning from an encyclopedic model during the Revolution, to a state propaganda tool during the First Empire, to a collection of political speeches under the constitutional monarchy and the Second Republic, and finally, to a daily opinion newspaper for the general public under Napoleon III.During the print run of the Revue des Colonies, the “Moniteur” was divided into two main sections: the “official” and the “unofficial” part. Government documents and official communications were published in the official section, while other current events and various topics were featured in the unofficial section under a range of headings such as “Domestic,” “International,” “Entertainment,” etc. The texts cited in Revue des Colonies were most often found in the unofficial section, typically under the “Domestic” heading and on the front page.Titles containing the label “Moniteur” followed by a toponym abounded throughout the nineteenth century: local or colonial titles used this formula to emphasize their official status, maintaining the distinction between the official and unofficial sections.Laurence Guellec, « Les journaux officiels », La Civilisation du journal (dir. Dominique Kalifa, Philippe Régnier, Marie-Ève Thérenty, Alain Vaillant), Paris, Nouveau Monde, 2011. https://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universelhttps://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universel .Le Moniteur universel, ou « Le Moniteur », est l’un des journaux les plus cités, sous cette forme abrégée et familière, au cours du XIXe siècle : on le retrouve, véritable élément de civilisation, dans la presse, dans les fictions, probablement dans les discussions d’alors. Ce titre, qui renvoie au langage des Lumières et de la Révolution, dérive étymologiquement du verbe monere, signifiant avertir ou conseiller. Il n’est d’abord que le sous-titre de la Gazette nationale, créée en 1789 par Charles-Joseph Panckouke, éditeur entre autres de l’Encyclopédie de Diderot et d’Alembert ; ce n’est qu’en 1811 que le sous-titre, Le Moniteur universel, devient officiellement titre.Lancé en 1789, ce périodique devient en 1799 l’organe officiel du gouvernement consulaire ; il obtient ensuite, sous l’Empire, le privilège de la publication des actes du gouvernement et des communications officielles, passant de fait au statut d’« organe de propagande cardinal de l’Empire ». Il ne se limite pourtant pas à cette fonction, et survit aux différents régimes politiques comme il a survécu à la Révolution et à la mort de Panckouke en 1798. Sa survie est notamment liée à sa capacité à changer : les modèles adoptés par sa rédaction, qu'ils soient choisis ou imposés par le pouvoir en place, reflètent de manière révélatrice la culture politique propre à chaque période marquante de son histoire. Ainsi, comme le souligne Laurence Guellec, il se transforme en une grande encyclopédie pendant la Révolution, devient un instrument de propagande étatique sous le Premier Empire, se mue en recueil des discours des orateurs durant la monarchie constitutionnelle et la Seconde République, puis se positionne en tant que quotidien grand public et journal d'opinion sous le règne de Napoléon III. Ajoutons enfin que les titres constitués du syntagme « Moniteur » suivi d’un toponyme sont nombreux, au cours du siècle, en France : les titres locaux ou coloniaux adoptent cette formule pour mettre en exergue leur ancrage officiel, et respectent la distinction entre partie officielle et non officielle.À l’époque de la Revue des Colonies, Le Moniteur universel est organisé en deux grandes parties : la « partie officielle » et la « partie non officielle ». Les actes du gouvernement et les communications officielles, quand il y en a, sont publiés dans la partie officielle, en une – mais parfois en quelques lignes – et les autres textes, tous d’actualité mais aux thèmes divers, paraissent dans la partie non officielle sous des rubriques elles aussi variées : intérieur, nouvelles extérieures, spectacles, etc. Les textes que cite la Revue des Colonies paraissent dans la partie non officielle, le plus souvent sous la rubrique « Intérieur » et en une.Laurence Guellec, « Les journaux officiels », La Civilisation du journal (dir. Dominique Kalifa, Philippe Régnier, Marie-Ève Thérenty, Alain Vaillant), Paris, Nouveau Monde, 2011. https://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universelhttps://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universel .
