Revue des Colonies: a Digital Scholarly Edition and Translation

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REVUEDESCOLONIES, MONTHLY COMPENDIUM OF POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION, JUSTICE, INSTRUCTION AND COLONIAL CUSTOMS, BY A SOCIETY OF MEN OF COLOR DIRECTED BY C.-A. BISSETTE. N°3September. PARIS, AT THE OFFICE OF THE REVUE DES COLONIES,46, RUE NEUVE-SAINT-EUSTACHE 1834.

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PUNISHMENTS AND DISCIPLINARY PENALTIES FOR SLAVES. ON THE USE OF THE WHIP AND THE POLICE CHAIN. While England abolishes slavery and organizes labor in her colonies, the French government scarcely appears to remember that slavery exists in its own colonies, accompanied by its hideous procession of physical and moral suffering. The Minister of the Navy and Colonies barely issues an occasional order to his overseas officers, and these, not for the improvement of the slaves' condition, but merely to preserve the status quo. Yet, it would be a noble task for an enlightened Minister of the Navy, friendly to humanity, to actively undertake the reorganization of France’s possessions in the vast Ocean. Capitals and talents are too often employed in far less important enterprises, which could find here a useful and entirely humane application. It concerns men who suffer, kept in bondage when they have the right to be free; it concerns interests that tremble at the prospect of the inevitable and impending emancipation—a necessity dictated by the force of events—and who foresee their total ruin, which would undoubtedly occur should the patience of the slave be exhausted, compelling him to demand, by force of arms, the liberty and education to which he is entitled. It is, therefore, an urgent duty for those in power to yield to this imperative of the age: to liberate, to moralize, to educate. For those whom the accident of birth has endowed with the privilege of wealth and made white rather than black, this is a great and noble mission to fulfill. Some, we do not doubt, will not shirk from this duty. And though our pride and a natural sense of jealous independence—common to all castes long oppressed—may prevent us from taking the first step, it would nonetheless be with ineffable inner joy that we would welcome the white colonist coming to us, ready to fraternize. A liberal government, one that fully understood the scope of its responsibilities in this great age of renewal, would hasten

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 such a future. It would not intervene with a cold neutrality between master and slave, between the privileged white man and the man of color. Rather, all its efforts would tend toward dissolving hatred, preaching, so to speak, liberty and equality, and thereby fraternity. It would seek to elevate the slave without debasing the master by imparting to both the moral education they lack and the understanding of the necessity and dignity of human labor, no matter where one stands on the social ladder. In this manner, mutual respect could be achieved. The free black would come to see labor as a condition of existence; the white would recognize that wealth is legitimate only when derived from pure sources, not from the exploitation of man by man. Then slavery, already abolished by law, would appear as nothing more than a monstrous relic of the past, mourned only by those devoid of worth, much like old nobles lament the ancien régime where one could live nobly without effort.
However, we are still far from this state of affairs. Not only does the government fail to encourage the emancipation of slaves—a measure that would so effectively serve the interests of all—but it does not even seem to take the gravest abuses of the colonial system into serious consideration. A reform, nevertheless, has become necessary, indispensable, and urgent. At the very least, the improvement of the slaves’ condition in the colonies must become the immediate concern of the metropolitan authorities. The disciplinary penal system, in particular, sanctions two abominable tortures that must be abolished without delay: the punishment of the whip and the police chain. The punishment of the whip bears all the marks of the penalties inflicted in the most barbarous times; it is an atrocious punishment worthy of the darkest days of the Middle Ages. It consists of tying the victim, regardless of their sex, naked and prone, with arms stretched out and bound to a firmly planted stake; the legs are tied, sometimes joined to a third stake, sometimes spread and tied each to a separate stake, like the arms. In this position, the executioner, armed with a long whip, strikes the victim with twenty-nine lashes in measured intervals. In Guadeloupe, the execution is carried out by the public executioner, adding infamy to degradation. In Martinique, this punishment is entrusted to a prison servant,

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known as a “commander.” This penalty, ordered by the police commissioner or the king's attorney, is inflicted for the slightest infraction: a perceived lack of respect toward an individual from the free classes, a delay in returning after curfew, the whim of a master, or at his demand, among others.
This atrocious punishment, offensive to morals, humanity, and the dignity of free men, is, without doubt, one of the principal causes of the slaves’ degradation. To say that it is necessary to compel these wretched beings to labor is to return to the premise that slaves are beasts of burden, and that idleness should be punished as a crime. Even if it were a crime, it is well-known that moralists and philosophers have long condemned the cruelty of punishments, which have never reduced the number of offenses nor prevented them. Such punishments serve only to bring shame upon the law. For the honor of humanity, of the law, of civilization—for the honor of all slaveholders in the colonies—the punishment of the whip must be abolished. The same must be said of the so-called police chain. It cannot be permissible for a master to subject his discontented slave to this form of true galley labor, even temporarily. This association with convicts sentenced to forced labor inevitably leads to the slave’s demoralization, degrading him without reforming him. Among the physical tortures inflicted upon the unfortunate blacks, the whip and the police chain seem to us to deserve particular denunciation for being as atrocious as they are immoral. Much is often made of progressive improvements and gradual remedies for colonial abuses. Yet here are two blatant, violent, intolerable practices that disgrace not only those who suffer under them but also those who wield them as cruel instruments of repression. If the authorities lack the courage to confront directly the great question of emancipation, they should, at the very least, immediately abolish these two punishments, which, no matter how they may be justified, are nothing more than a revolting anachronism in the 19th century.

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ON THE EMANCIPATION OF SLAVES IN THE FRENCH COLONIES. Man is born free; slavery is the exception. WILBERFORCE. The bill for the abolition of slavery passed by the English Parliament in 1835, which has just received its full and final execution on the 1st of August this year, imposes upon the French government the duty of promptly adopting similar and prudent measures. It cannot hasten too much in taking such steps for the benefit of the enslaved Black population in our colonies, in the interest of the general good and for the honor of France and the planters themselves. Already, in the Antilles, the supporters of the old colonial system—worn out and absurd—let forth the sinister cries of despair as they see the arbitrary power they have possessed for so long slipping from their grasp. In vain do they attempt, through imaginary conspiracies, to nullify the salutary effects of emancipation in our colonies. By acts like those that have recently taken place at Grand'Anse in Martinique, they seek to prolong, as far as possible, the existing system through terror, plots, and shootings. Thus they falsely cast blame for such events upon people of color and slaves, while, in their foolish provocation, these colonists call down upon their own heads the vengeance of Spartacus… the most terrible weapon the slave could wield against his master. Following England's example, France has a strong interest in preventing the conflicts that these new ideas of emancipation might provoke, and the government would be guilty if it remained impassive and inert in the face of the great movement about to take place in the Antilles, at the risk of seeing brute force replace law, disorder brought to its extreme, and frightful catastrophes unfold. These, in the end, would fall back upon the mother country, depriving its maritime ports of the advantageous commerce they maintain with the colonies. The government can act effectively in the interest of our colonies, and it must; it has not a moment to lose: fiery elements of destruction smolder throughout the land; demands grow

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 more intense in proportion to resistance, and soon, if care is not taken, this state of apparent calm will give way to an abyss of calamities in which fortunes, together with entire generations, may be swallowed up. And in the face of such circumstances, would the government, entrusted with the interests of all, retreat and yield to the dissensions and hatreds of factions! No, that is not possible!
Already, several courageous writers have drawn the attention of the government and the chambers to the pressing question of improvements to be introduced into the internal management of plantations and the condition of slaves in the colonies. Far from being understood, however, they have faced persecution and cries of outrage. They were accused of provoking insurrection when, in truth, they merely represented the progressive method that must be followed to arrive gradually at the end of the current colonial regime, so abusive and so indefensible. Given the state of affairs, one must agree that it is imperative to anticipate the effects of the English bill, which, even now, has entirely altered the political and civil condition of slaves by restoring them to liberty. To introduce a similar system into the French colonies would enable all parties to work together toward establishing a new social contract in the colonies. For how can one hope, without folly, that the old system which prevails in our colonies today might escape unscathed from this atmosphere so thoroughly impregnated with liberty that surrounds them? How can it be imagined that, when the same liberal principles form the foundation of public law in both nations, they will not uphold these principles equally across their possessions? Could one conceive of the ridiculous spectacle of free men from Europe fighting in America to bind slaves to their masters’ chains? To delay any further in introducing the principles of the English bill into our colonies would be a policy of procrastination that is no longer possible. In a question so fiery by its very nature, can one truly believe that the slave, feeling the full weight of his chains, will wait patiently while every trial is made before throwing off the shackles that oppress him? Have we not already seen slaves presenting, to successive governments in France,

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numerous humble petitions, as well as appeals to governors and chambers, and even, at times, hostile demonstrations on site? Were not these armed demonstrations, which so often recently struck terror into the hearts of planters in Guadeloupe and Martinique, themselves petitions? What did these slaves demand when they presented themselves before the city of Saint-Pierre, trembling at the thought of falling under their yoke, if not a change in the system, a happier future? Was that not a warning to the authorities to give serious attention to their wretched condition?
Must such means be required, then, to win rights that the spirit of the age has sanctioned and that England has proclaimed from the heights of her parliamentary tribune? Must the repeated insurrection of slave against master—always suppressed but always reborn—resemble the image of the Hydra of Lerna? And if, in these conflicts that would ensue, victory declared itself in favor of the new principles, can the colonists seriously believe that France’s budgets and the lives of her soldiers would be expended to mount costly expeditions to reconquer colonies whose exploitation profits the mother country but little in the end, and solely to restore to these planters their property, they whose political principles stand so opposed to those of the motherland? It is important to note, in support of these reflections on the current system, that all around the Gulf of Mexico the system of liberty has prevailed. The mainland of America, Mexico, and all the islands to windward and leeward have, more or less, already adopted the measures which the English bill has now made a reality. It would therefore be madness, we repeat, to think that French slaves will remain in the same political condition when they have before their eyes, at so short a distance, examples of this very nature. The French government, by taking the initiative in reform and introducing improvements that must follow in the Antilles, will forestall the gravest dangers. It will act in the interests of all by preventing a sudden movement that could entail incalculable losses for our maritime ports. It will gain the gratitude of those whose interests it protects—who, in the end, are the great majority—

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and by this means, its liberal and conciliatory intervention will prove an immense blessing to the colonies and a title to glory for itself.
The Marquis of S.-C., Landowner in Martinique.
INSURRECTIONS AND THEIR CAUSE IN MARTINIQUE Revolutions, however bloody they may be, receive through their success a bill of indemnity. This is their legitimacy, consecrated in the memory of nations by anniversary celebrations. Yet, on the other hand, vae victis! This dreadful curse, spoken from the lips of a barbaric chieftain, still weighs with undiminished force upon the heads of the vanquished. Victorious Haiti negotiated as an equal power with the France of the Restoration. In Martinique, defeated in 1831, the France of July 1830—still warm from its own struggle for liberty—permitted the judicial massacre of the rebellious slaves. Yet when three simple summonses suffice for the authorities to claim the lawful right to shoot or saber on the spot, how many respectful petitions, how many moderate and peaceful supplications is it permitted to ignore? Does the moment never arrive when the oppressed are compelled to seek in revolt their ultima ratio? Must they, weary of warnings and prayers, resign themselves endlessly to confronting the same judges and the blade of the same executioner? Revolutions are, to be sure, an ill method, and always a source of great calamities; yet perpetual suffering is a condemnation no patience, no human resignation, can endure. Once again, an insurrection breaks out in Martinique, in December 1833. This one, the work of men drawn from the free population, differs in its methods from the prior uprising but springs from the same source. Grand' Anse, a vast and populous district of the colony, rises up in its entirety and arms itself in the wake of a private altercation and an assize court judgment deemed overly severe. This results in certain disorders—inevitable where armed men gather—of sufficient magnitude to provide a pretext for misrepresenting the clear motives behind this uprising and transforming it into a vast conspiracy supposedly plotted since

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1823 to massacre the white population. What matter the implausibility, the utter absence of any reasonable presumption, the demonstrated impossibility of execution, proven to the point of evidence? It is after a complete regeneration has been established; after they have attained the full and unfettered enjoyment of their civil and political rights; after the abolition of that magical term, men of color, by which they were relegated to the antechambers of civilization—it is in such a position that these men are supposed to have conceived the idea of finally executing their horrific scheme. And this, on an island as enclosed as Martinique, where impunity is impossible, and where even success could not be legitimate, for it would be fleeting! Credat Judaeus Apella. As for us, who know both judges and assessors, the assize court’s ruling has done nothing to alter our convictions regarding the Grand’ Anse affair. To execute that ruling is but to prepare storms for the future. If our reckoning is correct, Martinique has, in the span of twelve years, endured four shocks that have brought the island to the very brink of ruin. Let us not even speak of lesser disturbances, which periodically prevent the scaffold from idleness and demand its permanent presence in Bertin Square—a curious monument, no doubt, for a public promenade! Military commissions, provost courts, and assize courts have sent corpses by the score—twenty or thirty at a time—to the cemetery of Grosse-Roche, while also filling foreign lands with exiles. Alongside Martinique, a mere thirty leagues distant, lies Guadeloupe, governed by the same laws, the same institutions, the same prejudices. Guadeloupe, whose slaves were once soldiers of the Republic, whose slaves experienced freedom, even in its excesses. And yet, in these same twelve years, Guadeloupe offers not a single death sentence for political offenses! Now and again, a few agitations have occurred, but without destructive consequence; they are but a faint ripple of Martinique’s unrest, casting its foam upon the shores of its neighbor. (1) The cemetery of Grosse-Roche, reserved for the executed, lies at the foot of a hill, on the sand by the sea, whose waves have often unearthed freshly buried corpses from the shallow graves. The chain gang of the condemned promptly returns, with a few shovelfuls of sand, to re-inter those bodies—this, a novel form of appeal, but the only one permitted to slaves against the death sentences passed upon them.

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In such circumstances, when one reflects that it is masters who have judged slaves, and whites who have judged mulattoes; when one has the slightest notion of the hatreds and caste antipathies; when one is aware (there is no hamlet in France that has not heard tell of it) of the ignorance of colonial magistrates and the cruel partiality of certain leaders more learned than the rest, one can imagine how many unjust rulings have been handed down in civil matters in Martinique, and how many criminal cases have been distorted by false investigations, resulting in judgments marked by the most ferocious barbarity. The Ministry of the Navy has received all these judgments. Even the king himself has been apprised of the verdict against the slaves of Madame DaristeDarste. It is said that Louis-Philippe threw it aside in disgust and horror after reading it. Some victims have managed to reach the Directorate of Colonies. Some, despite the res judicata status of their cases, have obtained reparations! Others, fugitives from justice, found in Paris the fairness they knew was denied to them in Martinique—though the law nonetheless required them to seek it there. Condemned men have been executed illegally and arbitrarily: the royal court, through ignorance or cruelty—or perhaps both—deprived them of their right to a suspensive appeal before the Court of Cassation. Later, their cases arrived at that court, which referred them to Guadeloupe. And there, in Guadeloupe, with the same laws, the same institutions, the same prejudices, men who had already passed through the hands of the executioner were acquitted! In what annals of justice can such occurrences be found? The Ministry has been deaf to all these lessons: it listens only to the irresistible arguments presented in its offices by members of the colonial judiciary, who, after each notorious ruling, come to France to justify their decisions. The same men, seated in the same chairs, continue to administer justice in their own way. Nothing is punished. The Ministry goes further—it rewards: the officer’s cross of the Legion of Honor is awarded to the leader, the subordinate officers receive the Legionnaire’s cross. This is the stone laid over the shifting graves of Grosse-Roche. But what is the result? The people can no longer place their trust in their magistrates. To these men, emancipated only yesterday, an accused person is but a condemned man—destined for death or the galleys. Césaire, their comrade, tried at assizes and sentenced to death, only strengthens, rightly or wrongly, their conviction.

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To whom shall they turn with their complaints? Into what new wilderness shall they cast their cries? They take up arms, and all at once, trusting in promises of amnesty, they allow themselves to be disarmed without a fight. Now they are defeated. *Vae victis!* Nothing will ever justify their despair. They are sent to the assizes, as those early Christians were cast into the circus to face wild beasts.   Fifteen are condemned to death (not counting 26 fugitives, also sentenced to death, but who would do well to abstain from returning, despite the sweetly-worded invitation to present themselves, printed in le Temps, the newspaper of progress and opposition, whose interests it serves).   Twenty-two others are sentenced to life at the galleys.   Twenty-five are condemned to deportation to Senegal Sixty-two present, and twenty-six contumacious, condemned to death with variations. A memorable ruling! An eternal monument to the benevolence of our codes! ... Is this not engraving, in letters of bronze, upon the memory of present and future rebels, that success alone justifies rebellion? And that, at the worst, between the bullet of a French soldier and the axe of an executioner, there is a choice that one must never hesitate to make?   And you who have rendered this memorable ruling, you are already announced in Paris; you are awaited there. Go, take pride in your forty-one blacks and mulattoes sentenced to death,   And with their heads in hand, demand your reward. As for us, we will shout it from the rooftops: the cause of such frequent insurrections in Martinique lies entirely within the judiciary. There reside the men with whom neither truce nor peace can ever be hoped for. It is they who have endangered the colony’s safety ten times over; it is they who have accumulated hatred and wrath against the colonists as a whole, though the majority groans under the weight of these iniquities.   Will the Ministry of the Navy remain indifferent to so many complaints, to so much spilled blood? If necessary, we will perish in the effort, but it shall be proven that the administration of justice, as it exists in Martinique, is the primary cause of our disorders, that it is an insurmountable barrier to the fusion and reconciliation of the castes. To achieve our aim, as relentless as the tides of the sea,

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we shall open the graves of Grosse-Roche; we shall delve into that infernal registry; each issue of the Revue des Colonies shall scrutinize a ruling from Martinique or Guadeloupe. We shall drag these modern Cacuses from their lairs and hurl them into the light of publicity, which will exact our vengeance.
Wearied by conspiracies, Livia advised her husband Augustus to show clemency: “Thus far,” she said, “severity has served no purpose. Try clemency today; forgive. Cinna has been exposed; he can no longer harm you. Instead, he might serve you, granting you a reputation for kindness.” History tells us that Augustus heeded this advice, and that from that moment, what he had failed to secure by sending so many heads to the lictor’s axe, he achieved through his pardon of Cinna. We would have offered the same advice to the judges of Martinique. But they cannot escape the bloody path they have chosen. Their counsel might have persuaded Governor Dupotet to turn the Grand’ Anse insurrection into an occasion for amnesty—an amnesty already promised, after all. Yet they preferred to claim 88 victims instead! Vae victis! Understand it well, all of you who suffer.
ON THE DENIAL OF THE RIGHT OF SLAVES TO APPEAL TO THE COURT OF CASSATION The court condemns Élysée (aged 15) to be hanged and strangled until death ensues, his body to be thrown to the refuse heap, for having conceived the plan to escape and thereby attempting to rob his master of the reward for his worth; and Agnès, his mother, to witness the execution, for having concealed her son by offering him shelter, under the pretense of pity, and by providing him with food and care. (Ruling of the Royal Court of Martinique, November 30, 1815.) What legacy is this but one of inhumanity carved in stone, condemning even the young and their mothers for daring to dream of freedom? Let the world know of such rulings, not as judgments, but as a testament to barbarity veiled in the pretense of justice. The abominable ruling from which we have quoted as our epigraph was carried out despite an appeal, and, as before and since,

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 it is far from the only such judgment rendered by colonial judges that, in Europe, appears monstrous to men of all political persuasions.
None, however, has exhibited circumstances more contrary to all notions of justice and injustice; none has borne such a hideous character that we know not how to name it; none makes humanity shudder more! And yet! This Elysée, this fifteen-year-old child, who had appealed to a high French and Christian court, the members of which—there can be no doubt without offending them—would all have been revolted by this infamous ruling and would unanimously have quashed it with indignation; this child, we say, was hanged and strangled, as decreed in the judgment, until death ensued, and his right of appeal was summarily cut short by the noose and strangulation! If we were to stir up all the mire of rulings handed down since their inception by these so-called royal courts of Martinique and Guadeloupe, all these homicidal records of the so-called colonial justice, we would find at every turn judgments whose horrors scarcely pale in comparison to the one that condemned Elysée. Let someone now tell us if, in the face of such facts—and without even recalling the memorable trial of the men of color in Martinique, for today the right of appeal is no longer contested for free men of color—let someone tell us whether it is possible to leave in the hands of whites this formidable power to execute immediately rulings where the judge is less a judge than a party, rulings where passion and hatred are so evident that it is impossible not to see in them a character of vengeance and cruelty so extreme that morality and justice everywhere, everywhere but in these lands, are outraged. Lands where man has been so hardened by the exploitation of man that every human sentiment seems to have vanished from his heart. But if the most common sentiments of civilized societies are not enough to make one feel the danger and odiousness of denying slaves the right to appeal to the Court of Cassation, let us see whether this right is not already theirs and whether it does not result from the laws currently in force. The affirmative is beyond doubt. Yes, this right derives from the laws currently in effect. And yet, not long ago, this right was shamefully violated in the person

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 of the twenty-four slaves executed despite their appeals to the Court of Cassation. And today, if among the fifteen condemned to death in the Grand' Anse affair there were not free men whose hard-won benefit of the law now extends to the slaves condemned alongside them, we would live in constant fear of learning the fatal news of the execution of these unfortunate souls.
How can one describe this ill will, this base and cruel obstinacy, that denies slaves their right to appeal, in defiance of the clear provisions of the current colonial legislation of the Antilles? Indeed, while Article 9 of the ordinance of July 5, 1827, allowed slaves only an appeal to the king's clemency, it is crucial to note that this ordinance of July 4, 1827, was merely a provisional and transitional law. As stated in its preamble: “Considering that the work prescribed for the application of the Code of Criminal Procedure to the colonies is not yet complete, and desiring to hasten the moment when our subjects in the Antilles shall enjoy the principal advantages of this code’s provisions for public order and the accused.” This promise was renewed by the ordinance of September 24, 1828. Finally, on October 12 of the same year, the ordinance was promulgated, applying the Code of Criminal Procedure to the islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe. This was the result of the work prescribed to adapt the French codes to the Antilles. It marked the definitive and total repeal of the old Criminal Ordinance of 1670, now replaced by the new code. It also abrogated the transitional provisions of the ordinances of July 4, 1827, and September 24, 1828, whose Articles 9 and 49, respectively, had been issued only as interim measures pending the completion of the code modifications. This represented the final state of criminal law for the colonies of Martinique and Guadeloupe. In this final state of legislation, slaves have the right to appeal to the Court of Cassation; this cannot be subject to doubt. In Articles 417 and following, none of the prohibitive provisions of previous laws are found.

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 It is the accused who may appeal. This expression necessarily applies to slaves as well as to free persons, given that the ordinance of October 12, 1828, is applied equally to both in all its provisions.
In any case, it no longer explicitly forbids slaves from appealing to the Court of Cassation. It no longer states, as the 1827 ordinance did, that they have no recourse other than to the king's clemency. On the contrary, it is clear that this ordinance repeals that provision, along with the confirmatory article of the September 1828 ordinance. Since this concerns a natural and favorable right, whose exercise is part of common law and whose denial is exceptional, it belongs to all whom the law does not explicitly exclude. Undoubtedly, the ordinance of October 12, 1828, intended to return to principles of humanity that the colonial aristocracy has always pushed as far away as possible from the French Antilles. It is already grievous enough that slaves are subject to special and exorbitant penalties without also depriving them of the right to have the supreme court review the application of the tortures of the Code Noir that they still endure. The right of appeal to the Court of Cassation for these unfortunate individuals is now part of the legislation of Martinique and Guadeloupe. And yet, by the explicit order of the attorneys general, continually upheld and renewed, the appeals of slaves are not accepted in the registries of the colonies! How can one explain this blatant violation of the law by the very men charged with ensuring its enforcement? It is inconceivable that the government would not put an end to such abuses and continue to allow its laws to be flouted with impunity by its agents. It is, therefore, an imperative duty for the Minister of the Navy to issue the most explicit orders to the governors of Martinique and Guadeloupe, as well as to those of other colonies, on this matter. To tolerate this assault on the law any longer would be, on his part, to betray his oaths.

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OF THE COLONIAL JUDICIARY: WHAT IT WAS, WHAT IT IS, WHAT IT SHOULD BE Upon ascending the bench to become the arbiter of the fortune, life, and honor of their fellow citizens, the magistrate must cease to be merely a man; that is to say, they must strip themselves of all passions to rise to the level of the ministry entrusted to them and, in some sense, fulfill on earth the right of divinity: the right to judge. The first condition for the frank and free exercise of this right is independence: it must stem from the magistrate’s character and be guaranteed by the law. Their foremost duty is indisputably to uphold this independence, which is their most noble attribute and the surest sign of their impartiality amidst all the disturbances and temptations destined to swirl around them. For the colonial judiciary to fulfill the purpose of its institution, it must be the true reflection of the society upon which it is endowed with the most powerful and effective authority. Thus, the future of the judiciary lies in being elective. However, until this improvement—inevitably the result of progress—is achieved, the primary obligation of governments, which do not seem in haste to relinquish the privilege of appointing judges, is to align the judiciary with the state, meaning with the current reality of the society over which its influence is to extend. In the organization of colonial society, when its population consisted solely of whites and slaves, with all civil rights denied to the latter, it is easily understood that judges were drawn exclusively from the white class. It could not have been otherwise: the association of brigands, buccaneers, reprobates, and others that presided over the formation of our colonies naturally recruited its magistrates from among its own ranks. The judge was well-matched to those under his jurisdiction. But instead of confining his affections to the aristocratic class, the white man, privileged by his skin, this hero of civilization among the savages whom he had made the instruments of his fortune, usurped the domain of paternity within what he disdainfully called

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 (and he had the right, being himself a child of crime) the abject class. Thus, he became a father; and so was created the family of whites and men of color, who are brothers, certainly, like Cain and Abel—understood, of course, that in this secondary lineage, the white man is Cain, as he has proven through the oppression under which he has ceaselessly sought to make his brother of color groan.
Similar to Saturn, the benevolent father soon sought to devour his children, and for the best of reasons—when no other can be given—the reason of the strongest. The class of color had no choice but to submit, though impatiently, to the yoke. In 1789, the class of color in Guadeloupe, taken as an example, numbered only 3,000 souls, while the white population counted nearly 30,000 souls. Such was the misfortune of the vanquished. Necessarily, they were forced to bow before their despots. But under the tropical sky, where the white man has transplanted himself and thrives only as an exotic plant, the census of 1829 (after a period of thirty years) shows that the native class of color, starting in 1789 from this base of 3,000 souls, had grown to more than 20,000, while the white population had dwindled to the point of being reduced to 10,000 or 12,000 souls. In turn, the people of color have become the stronger, for the strongest are usually the most numerous. Their voice, weak in 1789, now has the right to thunder. And what do they demand? That the accomplished fact be recognized by legislation; that is, that they be admitted to equality of rights as they already are to the sharing of duties. That justice, which, under the exclusive domination of the whites, has been for them nothing more than a leaden scepter weighing heavily upon their heads with all the burden of hatred harbored against them by the authors of their existence, lay down its arrogant privilege and finally become the expression of the will of the country. A country whose changes in constitution and the isolation of its existence must be accepted, under penalty of provoking reactions that, under the ardent inspirations of the tropical sun, can only be bloody and marked by all the horrors of the spirit of vengeance. The abuses produced by a judiciary exclusively in the hands of the privileged class—one that had inscribed on its banners impunity

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 for itself, or that, when forced to act against its own members by the evidence of facts, took refuge in the lenient application of the amplius informandum, a bastard and illusory penalty unworthy of justice and the so-called legitimacy it flaunted—while reserving all its harshness for people of color, seemed destined to partially disappear with the promulgation of the new judicial organization. This was the intention of the metropole; but, unfortunately, the execution did not meet its expectations. There was, without a doubt, improvement and progress, but the evil was far from being entirely eradicated.

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In vain did the constitutive ordinance of February 7, 1827, and the organic ordinance of September 21, 1828, attempt to surround the colonial magistrate with an aura of independence by prohibiting governors from interfering in matters under the jurisdiction of the judiciary; through the flaws of the institutions and the weakness of the magistrates, governors have continually managed to exert a harmful influence on their decisions, effectively turning judges into commissioners. Let anyone dare to refute these assertions, and we will substantiate them by citing facts and specific names. On the other hand, a semblance of a jury has been granted to the colonies through the institution of assessors—an institution from which, originally, people of color were excluded and in which they are now admitted only in an infinitesimally small proportion. Thus, it can justifiably be said that in most trials, especially those pitting one class against another, there is no longer judgment by one’s peers, but judgment imbued with the passions of enemies who lack even the decency to recuse themselves. What reform should be introduced into the judicial organization to meet the demands of colonial society as it exists today, amidst a population of color that surpasses the white population? The law must be translated into practice: judges should include magistrates from all classes, and the college of assessors should be composed equally of whites and people of color, thus establishing equality before the law, and through the force of habit, fostering the necessary trust between the two classes—trust indispensable for achieving the fusion so desirable for the prosperity of overseas France,

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 which, begun by the prescriptions of the law, would then permeate customs through mutual participation in the administration of justice; on this foundation, the colonial structure could be solidly built, but without it, the future will be rife with storms, and great responsibility will fall upon those to whom the problem was pointed out but who failed to address it, for they will have sown the seeds of tempests and will reap their bitter fruits.
ABUSE OF POWER BY A GOVERNOR Rear Admiral Dupotet, on the occasion of the Grand' Anse affair (Martinique), issued two decrees concerning the colony's militias. The provisions of these decrees provide us with the opportunity to examine the extent of the governors' powers over colonial militias since the Organic Law of April 24, 1835. By the first of these acts, dated January 8, 1834, M. Dupotet dissolved the militias of Martinique and ordered the immediate return of the weapons provided to each militiaman to the state arsenals. The second decree, issued on the same day, orders the immediate reorganization of only the squadrons of dragoons and the fire companies. The reason for the favor shown to these two specific corps is likely that the squadrons of dragoons are composed exclusively of white property owners. As for the fire companies, although they are entirely composed of men of color, the favor granted to them naturally arises from the importance of their services. Thus, despite the dissolution, it is stated that until the new organization is established, the firemen currently listed on the rosters will continue to operate the pumps to which they are assigned. Whatever the motives behind these decisions, the crucial question to examine is whether the governor of the colony has the right to dissolve the militia and reorganize it. Under the terms of the ordinance of February 9, 1827, Article 10,

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 the governor held the general command of the militias and was authorized to oversee all matters relating to their levying, organization, and discipline. Thus, by virtue of this ordinance, the governor was not only the general military commander of the colony’s militias but also responsible, as head of the administration, for everything related to their institution.
That, under the authority of this ordinance, which conferred such extensive powers upon him in this dual capacity, the governor possessed the right to dissolve the militia is not a point worth contesting today. However, this exorbitant power was not explicitly attributed to the governor, and it would be difficult to categorize it under any of the powers granted to him by the ordinance, not even under the authority to regulate their discipline, since discipline can only apply to an existing body, while dissolution aims at the complete annihilation of the body itself. But this state of affairs no longer exists today. The law of April 24, 1833, concerning the legislative regime of the colonies, inadequate though it may be, significantly curtailed the powers of the governors. Article 5, which specifies the matters to be governed by royal ordinances, includes among these the organization and service of militias, and Article 24 declares all provisions of laws, edicts, royal declarations, royal ordinances, and other acts currently in force in the said colonies to be repealed insofar as they are contrary to the present law. From that point onward, the governor was stripped of the right to regulate the organization and service of militias, a right that passed into the domain of royal ordinances. The ordinance of August 22, 1833, intended to align the provisions of the ordinance of February 9, 1827, with the new legislation, specifies which articles of the latter ordinance were repealed, which were modified, and the nature of the changes made to them. Now, Article 10, which we referenced above and which granted the governor not only the general command of the militias but also all matters relating to their levying, organization, and discipline, has been reduced, by virtue of the law of April 1833 and the ordinance of August 22, 1833, to these few words: "The militias of the colony are under the direct orders of the governor; he has their general

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 command."
As a result, the governor now retains only the authority he previously held as military chief to undertake what is necessary for the service of the militias under his general command. Everything that previously belonged to him in his capacity as the superior head of the colonial administration—the levying and organization of militias—has been formally removed from him. It is impossible to see, in the terms of the ordinance of August 22, 1833—"The militias of the colony are under the direct orders of the governor"—the right to dissolve and reorganize the militias. Only M. Dupotet, among all the colonial governors, could have misunderstood this: issuing direct orders to an existing body implies its continued existence, while organization is the very right to create the body and grant it existence; to dissolve it is to destroy and annihilate it. These expressions mean nothing other than that he alone has the right to command the militia and that neither the military commander of the colony, the director of internal affairs, nor any other official may summon it. The right to summon the militia in the colonies, which in France belongs to prefects, sub-prefects, and mayors concerning the national guard, belongs exclusively to the governor. However, this does not imply that he has the right to dissolve or organize it. In France, this right is also distinct and separate from the right to summon and can only be exercised by royal ordinance. Thus, the decrees issued by Governor Dupotet for the dissolution and reorganization of the militias of Martinique constitute a clear abuse of power, a violation of the law of April 1833. It is likely that his successor, Admiral Halgan, will regard these decrees as null and void and will continue to command the militia as it was organized prior to these acts of dissolution; otherwise, he would be complicit in the illegality committed by his predecessor.

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COLONIAL MACHIAVELLIANISM The colonial aristocracy, skillful as all aristocracies are at cloaking its actions in specious appearances and adept at dissimulation and lying when necessary, has recently presented, in the few European newspapers to which it has access, the judgment rendered in the Grand’ Anse affair in a favorable and gentle light, without addressing the substance, without providing any details: the clemency of the royal court of Martinique has been great; its moderation has been openly demonstrated in this judgment. The royal court of Martinique is depicted as a kind and gentle entity, whose heart bleeds whenever it is compelled to condemn people to be hanged. So much so, that it dares not speak of it at all and chooses to emphasize, above all, its extraordinary gentleness. For instance, there is a newspaper devoted to this aristocracy—devoted for reasons, it is said, that are not entirely innocent—which, after offering details that reveal it is better informed than it would like to appear, states with great composure and a certain touching grace the following exceedingly benevolent words: “We know nothing of the rest of the judgment that must have (observe the discretion!) decided the fate of the eighty-seven accused present, except that no execution has followed...” Tell me, could there be anything more generous than these gentlemen of colonial justice? “No execution has followed,” says the colonists’ confidant. Could anything be more commendable, and what, pray, are you complaining about? One of these days, however, we will be told that the full judgment has been received, that it does not disappoint the lofty hopes inspired by earlier letters from our Antillean colonies, and that everything is for the best in the best of all possible worlds. We shall cite the curious and Machiavellian vehicle through which an attempt was made to shape public opinion in the metropole before presenting it with the actual text of this abominable judgment. One reads in the newspaper le Temps, dated August 16, 1834: COLONIES “We have received news from our Antillean colonies up to July 10; those from Martinique, however, extend only to July 5.

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 These letters announce the conclusion of the major trial of the defendants in the Grand’ Anse affair; but unfortunately, details on this matter are lacking. They are presumably contained in earlier-dated letters sent by ships that have not yet arrived.
In the meantime, what can be presumed is that the severity of the court has primarily weighed upon the twenty-seven contumacious defendants, who would only have reason to fear the effects of a capital sentence should new information fail to mitigate the charges against them. Two defendants who were sentenced to banishment, Messrs. Mitis and Nelson, have submitted to their sentences without even invoking the right to appeal to the Court of Cassation. We know nothing of the rest of the judgment, which must have decided the fate of the eighty-seven defendants present, except that no execution has followed nor could have followed, and that those among the condemned who have appealed to the Court of Cassation are being treated with all the consideration that humanity could inspire. All previously received letters attest to the latitude afforded to the defense. The zeal of the judges and the juror assessors has been subjected to a test that they honorably passed in the lengthy and painstaking evaluation of the alleged offenses. After the judgment was pronounced, Admiral Halgan had the condemned transported on a state corvette from Saint Pierre to Fort Royal. This measure, dictated more by humanity than administrative prudence, aimed to provide the detainees, during the duration of their detention until the resolution of their appeal to the Court of Cassation, with far greater leniency in their circumstances and greater ease in communicating with their families than the conditions of the prison would have allowed.”
THE GRAND'ANSE AFFAIR. The court of Martinique has finally rendered its judgment in the major trial that had occupied everyone’s attention. After a month of hearings, the judges of Martinique pronounced 15 death sentences, 10 sentences to life at the galleys, additional sentences to temporary galley service and imprisonment, and 25 sentences to deportation. In addition to this lavish array of condemnations, all 26 fugitives were sentenced to death in absentia. Of the 117 heads that M. Nogues demanded, the court granted him only 15—but he still obtained 10 sentences to life at the galleys, additional sentences to temporary galley service and imprisonment, 25 sentences to deportation , and 26 contumacious sentences

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 to death!
What will M. Nogues do with all this blood? Will he be sated? Judging by the ferocity with which he demanded it, one would think he thirsted for it. If the scaffold is ever raised for these victims, all that remains for him is to stand beneath it and quench his thirst in all this blood of blacks and mulattoes; it will be a way for him to reconcile himself with the high colonial aristocracy, with whom, it is said, he is not much in favor. The hearings were scandalous. Slaves sent by their masters asked one another if they remembered their lessons; here, a white woman was caught in a lie; there, a servant contradicted her mistress; then came a witness claiming to have seen a man with a torch in hand, only to misidentify someone else as that person moments later. Finally, a series of impassioned witnesses appeared, offering no concrete evidence but lumping all the accused together in the banal accusations of theft, arson, looting, and so on. The lawyers who distinguished themselves in this case and demonstrated independence were: Messrs. Pélisson, Moulin Dufresne, and Bouisset, all European lawyers, and M. Lepelletier Saint-Remy, a young Creole lawyer recently arrived from France and belonging to one of the aristocratic families of the region. We are proud of this young compatriot, who, in his defense, upheld the principles he learned in France, and we mention his name with all the more gratitude and pride because his dedication throughout this case was pure, generous, and selfless. At the outset of this monstrous trial, the colony’s official newspaper began publishing the proceedings—a commendable innovation of excellent spirit—but this initiative quickly ceased. The colonial judges, alarmed by the effect of such unusual publicity and realizing that knowledge of the depositions would particularly inflame passions against the witnesses—most of whom were false—and against the public prosecutor, persuaded the authorities to stop the publication of the assize court proceedings. And indeed, they were quite right, for all the iniquities of the trial would then have been brought to light, and the odium would have fallen upon those to whom it was due; they were quite right, for public indignation might have prevented them from rendering their iniquitous judgment, which is nothing more than an expression of caste vengeance

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 and not a true judgment. Judges and parties alike, privileged individuals raised in the atrocious prejudices of their caste, are terrified by all that is light and justice, for indeed, all that is light and justice can only bring them shame and confusion. Naturally, they feared the publicity of the debates, and such publicity would indeed have been dangerous for them.
Having easily achieved this, all that remained was to pretend to listen attentively to the witnesses' testimonies and follow the various stages of the case. But the judgment was already formed in their minds; it had been decided in their hearts, and all that was left was to deliver it amidst the pageantry and pretense of a criminal trial. The colonial judges excelled on this occasion; they did not betray the blood that flows in their veins. They did not renounce that old spirit of division that we had flattered ourselves would gradually give way to the humane tendencies of the age and make room in their hearts for the sacred principles of human fraternity. And yet, this would have been a noble opportunity for them to demonstrate moderation and fairness toward the men of color, to whom, after all, an amnesty had been promised, and thereby to move toward the desirable fusion that was our wish. They chose otherwise. Very well, then! Let us keep our mutual hatred; and if blood is shed, let it fall upon the heads of those who understand nothing but their sordid caste interests, for whom justice and humanity mean nothing!
UNITED STATES.  NEW YORK RIOTS. Very serious disturbances have taken place in New York. Here is what we read in the English newspapers:   Journals from New York have been received up to the date of July 15. In the preceding days, there had been serious unrest in the city. The mob had gathered and attacked several houses, as well as churches and chapels, which they ransacked after breaking all their doors and windows. The cause of these disturbances appears to have been the explosion of popular discontent against the philanthropists

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 striving to advance the great work of abolishing slavery in the United States. The houses that were ransacked belonged largely to ministers of religion who had preached in favor of the slaves.
The church that suffered the most damage was the African Episcopal Church of Saint Philip; the African chapel of the Anabaptist sect and the African school were also ravaged. The mob besieged, among other houses, that of a barber, a man of color. He displayed great courage, holding off the assailants for three hours and firing several pistol shots at them. His home was not invaded. Similar disturbances occurred in Newark, New Jersey, and other cities, stemming from the same cause. On July 14, tranquility was fully restored in New York. The Journal du Havre provides more detailed accounts of these events: “It seems,” the paper states, “that the starting point of these demonstrations was the formation of a society in New York for the emancipation of Black people in the southern states of the Union. As early as Wednesday, July 9, an initial incursion occurred in the chapel on Chatham Street, but the crowd withdrew without causing damage. It then moved to the home of Mr. Lewis Tappan on Rose Street. A brick was thrown at the windows, but upon learning of unrest at the Bowery Theater, the crowd rushed there instead. The theater doors were forced open, and the manager, Mr. Hamblin, a native of England, offered apologies, which were met with cries of: “Down with the foreigner! Down with the Englishman!” It required 60 watchmen, armed with batons, to evacuate the hall.” The mob then proposed going to Mr. A. Tappan’s house but decided instead to return to Mr. Lewis Tappan’s residence to finish what had been started. The door, shutters, and blinds were smashed with stones and bricks; the house was invaded, and the furniture was thrown or dragged into the street, where it was used to build a bonfire. The watchmen arrived on the scene and, with a vigorous charge, pushed the mob from Rose Street into Pearl Street, despite fierce resistance and a rain of stones. However, as the battlefield expanded before them, the watchmen found themselves outnumbered and ceased their pursuit. The mob regrouped and counterattacked with fury. The combat continued for some time with varying success for both sides until the mayor and civil authorities decided that the watchmen should arm themselves with the same projectiles as the assailants to equalize the odds. Soon supplied with bricks and reinforced by fresh men, the watchmen launched one final, impetuous assault and managed to disperse their adversaries. The authorities remained in possession of the battlefield. Several prominent leaders involved in these scenes of disorder have been arrested and are now in prison.

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The number of injured is considerable, though we have not heard that anyone was seriously wounded. Several men of color, on their way home after a tiring day of work, fell into the hands of the mob and were beaten until they lay for dead in the streets. These distressing disorders were renewed on Friday evening. Another attack was launched against the Chatham Street chapel. The windows of Dr. Cox's house were broken, and barricades were erected using carts and wagons to trap the mounted officers and watchmen. However, these barricades were poorly defended, and by midnight, the streets had been cleared. In the meantime, the windows of Zion Church, a congregation composed of people of color, were smashed. On Friday, July 11, a New York newspaper reports, Mr. A. Tappan's store was attacked at half-past nine by a group of men and boys who threw volleys of stones at the windows but did not attempt to break down the doors; they dispersed at the appearance of the watchmen. Between ten and eleven o'clock, a large crowd gathered in front of Dr. Cox's church on Laight Street. The doors and windows were smashed, and inside, everything that could be destroyed was reduced to pieces. From the church, the mob proceeded to Dr. Cox's house on Charlton Street, but they found a strong detachment of police guarding all the avenues. The mob then turned its attention to Dr. Ludlow's church on Spring Street. The doors and windows were already shattered when a patrol of watchmen arrived, temporarily halting the violence and capturing two of the leaders. Recognizing the small number of their opponents, the mob freed the two prisoners, beat the watchmen, forced them to flee, and resumed their destruction. Soon, the interior of the church was reduced to rubble, and the session hall met the same fate. At this moment, a cavalry detachment arrived but seemed reluctant to act due to the overwhelming superiority in numbers of the rioters—nearly 4,000 men were gathered in front of the church. The troops withdrew at full gallop. To prevent their return, two barricades were immediately erected across the street on either side of the church. Around half-past eleven, a large detachment of cavalry and infantry appeared at the end of the street. The cavalry charged at a gallop over the first barricade, though a few horses stumbled on the second. Nevertheless, the street was cleared in a very short time, and the infantry took possession of the church, now in ruins. At approximately the same time, another gathering attacked the African Episcopal Church of Saint Philip on Center Street, whose pastor, Mr. Peter Williams, is a man of color. These rioters destroyed everything they could lay their hands on. The windows of another African church on Anthony Street were shattered. The African school on Orange Street, which also serves as a gathering place for a  

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 Methodist congregation, was completely demolished. Several homes occupied by men of color and their families on Orange, Mulberry, Anthony, and Leonard Streets were attacked and largely destroyed. The furniture was carried into the streets and used to build bonfires.
"A large number of blacks went to the police offices at City Hall to seek protection from the authorities." A note dated from the night of Friday to Saturday at half past three reads: "The crowd, exhausted by its own violence, has dispersed on its own. Calm has now been restored in the city." A New York newspaper offered the following reflections on the events: "For more than five hours, our city was at the mercy of a furious mob that brought destruction wherever it went. All the efforts of the watchmen, even the troops, served at best only to slow the progress of this insurrection against property. There were perhaps more than a thousand soldiers under arms, not counting two squadrons of cavalry; but the mob was so convinced of the illegality of troops firing on citizens without the governor being present that it seemed more inclined to defy their weapons than to retreat. If this belief is based on error, it must be corrected immediately. Matters have come to such a point that unless severe measures are adopted, our government will cease to exist." This coarse and brutal aggression by the people of New York against abolitionists, who were exercising an indisputable right, is an unfortunate incident that reflects the limited progress of the popular masses in certain states of the American Union. A shameless greed, ignorance, and a disregard for the rights of citizens, as well as those of humanity, and an almost complete lack of the Christian sense of fraternity—this is, regrettably, what still seems to characterize to a high degree the portion of New York's population that participated in this sad and unfortunate event. Sad, because it reveals a morally backward state; unfortunate, because it is dishonorable to humanity and almost makes one doubt the future of civilization. Fortunately, it is only a passing disorder, an accident of little consequence. Nothing will prevail against the just cause. Neither the ill will of white proletarians, to whom, in certain countries, the sweat and sufferings of slavery spare some labor and who, as a result, are driven by a

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 hideous selfishness to oppose its emancipation, nor the Machiavellianism of wealthy landowners whose riches and power are owed solely to the labor of blacks, will prevent the fulfillment of a sacred mandate of modern civilization. In due time, regardless of the efforts of the former or the resistance of the latter, willingly or unwillingly, there will no longer be slaves, neither in the Antilles nor in North America, and prejudices of color will completely vanish wherever customs and ideas are advancing—in other words, in all truly civilized countries.
Moreover, while part of the population in New York has risen against the abolitionists, in New Orleans, the people had previously engaged in a similar movement, though in the opposite direction, against a plantation owner who had treated his slaves mercilessly. Therefore, nothing definitive can be inferred about the current dispositions of the United States population regarding the abolition of slavery. The Société des abolitionistes formed in New York declared in a manifesto published after the recent disturbances that it would never petition Congress for an unconstitutional law, such as one abolishing slavery. This has been poorly understood by some French commentators. Congress in the United States is tasked only with handling the general affairs of the Union; it cannot, without an abuse of power, intervene in certain matters that, by both law and fact, according to the constitution binding the states into the great American republic, can only be resolved in the legislatures—independent in many respects—of each state. Thus, Congress does not have the authority to decide any particular issue in a manner that is binding on all states. The question of the abolition of slavery is, unfortunately, one of those issues. In the many states where slavery has been abolished, it was the individual state legislatures that enacted this change. Therefore, it is only from these legislatures and the progress of great humanitarian principles among the masses that emancipation can be expected in the states where it has not yet been achieved. It is also to hasten this progress that the Abolitionist Societies have been established. Despite the futile efforts of ill will, these societies will exert a significant

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 influence on this important question, and we believe that the unfortunate blacks will soon experience its beneficial effects.
ENGLAND. LONDON. BANQUET IN HONOR OF THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. On August 1, a public banquet was held at the Freemasons' Tavern to celebrate the abolition of slavery, which took effect that day throughout the entire extent of Great Britain's colonial possessions. The Right Honorable Lord Earl Mulgrave presided. Shortly after half-past six, 132 people took their seats at the table. Among those present were noted figures such as Secretary Rice, Viscount Morpeth, Dr. Lushington, Sir H. Varney, Mr. Whitmore, Mr. O'Connel, Mr. H. G. Ward, Mr. T.-S. Buckingham, all members of Parliament, along with several others who had played an active role in the great question of the emancipation of the negroes, which is now happily resolved. A large number of men of color from the West Indies also attended the banquet; their presence, as might be expected, only added to the significance of the gathering. Indeed, the eloquent and moving speech delivered by one of them, Mr. Lecesne, during the evening provided further and convincing proof that the gifts of intellect are equally shared among all people, regardless of their homeland or color, and that not only necessity but justice demanded that English legislation enact this great measure, by which our black brothers in the colonies have been restored to freedom through both policy and morality. At the conclusion of the dinner, the noble president proposed a toast to the king’s health, observing that the great event they were celebrating (1) Private Lord Chancellor and Cabinet Member

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 would, in future centuries, occupy the most glorious page in the history of this monarch’s life and reign. (Applause.)
After this toast, Mr. Buxton stood and proposed another, which, he said, could not fail to win universal approval: "To the health of the newly emancipated peoples of the colonies!" (Resounding cheers.) However, before delivering this toast, he wished to address a few questions to the last governor of Jamaica regarding the past and present state of that island. He said he desired an answer to these questions to demonstrate that the defenders of anti-slavery were incapable of exaggeration or misrepresentation of facts. Earl Mulgrave rose amidst thunderous applause. He responded that he would gladly provide details of what he had observed during his tenure as governor of Jamaica: "There are some cases to which I can scarcely think back without sorrowful memories and of which I will speak only lightly, for all past grievances must be forgotten, at least as much as present circumstances allow, and especially on an occasion like this, when freeborn Englishmen are gathered to celebrate the finest day in their history. Had circumstances permitted, I would have wished to spend this memorable day in Jamaica. What joy I would have felt at seeing thousands of happy and jubilant faces greeting its dawn! It was the day of the birth of their freedom." (Cheers.) "Had my health allowed, I would have sacrificed everything to be among them." (Cheers.) "My esteemed friend has asked me to provide an account of what I saw in Jamaica, and I will do my best to oblige." After asking the assembly to excuse the brevity of his remarks, he continued: "I base my opinion on my personal interactions with the negroes themselves. The defenders of the inhumane system of slavery have spoken much about the improvement in the condition of these unfortunate beings over the past few years. It is my duty to say that I consider their claims greatly exaggerated. Atrocities were committed up until the very moment the bill for the emancipation of the slaves was passed; these atrocities could not have been prevented or halted by any partial measures." "If this

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 great measure had not been adopted, a horrible upheaval would inevitably have followed. Upon my arrival in Jamaica, I found the island in the most terrible confusion; great discontent prevailed among the blacks due to their frustrated hopes and the uncertainty surrounding their freedom. However, I am happy to say that by the end of my tenure as governor of the island, significant improvements had taken place.
Seven months ago, I toured the island. During this journey, I addressed 50,000 blacks and clearly and extensively explained to them the great change they were about to experience. My heart leapt with joy at the extraordinary attention they gave to my words. I will never forget the joy shining on their faces during these occasions. I told them that corporal punishments would no longer be inflicted; that they and their children would henceforth be free, and that education would be extended to all so they could better enjoy the benefits of liberty. Then, as now, I was deeply convinced that slavery was repugnant to every moral and religious sentiment; it had to be either abolished entirely or left as it was—half-measures would not suffice. My conviction was reinforced by the farewell words of my noble predecessor, the Duke of Manchester, who declared that the island’s resources would not be fully developed until slavery was completely eradicated. Such were the degrading effects of slavery, not only on the minds of the enslaved but also on those of the masters, that examples can be cited where women inflicted the most terrible tortures on their own sex; similar crimes were committed by monsters in human form when enslaved women refused to submit to their brutal passions. The blacks will no longer be treated like beasts of burden; they will henceforth enjoy the privileges of free men. I am convinced, based on what I have seen and learned, that they will one day become good and useful subjects; and I know, beyond a shadow of a doubt, that the mind of the black person is fully capable of receiving moral and religious instruction." The noble lord concluded his speech by wishing a long life to the newly emancipated slaves.

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Mr. Buxton, after noting that from this day forward slavery would be entirely abolished and that the black man, who until now had been regarded as an article of commerce, would henceforth enjoy the privileges of a British subject, said that once the energy of the black man had been fully developed in a state of liberty, his abilities would in every way equal those of the whites. "And who knows," he continued, "if in a few years the character of the black man will not be so elevated as to rival the proudest and most arrogant among those who have so long despised him?" Mr. Spring-Rice, Secretary of the Colonies, then rose and expressed his satisfaction at being present for the celebration of the great triumph that the friends of humanity had just achieved in favor of the so greatly degraded blacks. "I thank Providence," he continued, "for having crowned their efforts, and seeing myself surrounded by men who, amidst both favorable and unfavorable reports, worked so long to accomplish this great and glorious project, I confess that I am proud to have been associated with them. I hope the country will do justice to the great and excellent men, members of Her Majesty's government, who have so powerfully contributed to the emancipation of the slaves. I cannot forget that these were the same men who, in 1806, introduced the bill for the abolition of the slave trade. The moral and religious education of the blacks must now be the government’s primary consideration, and it will devote its full attention to it." The honorable speaker, concluding by announcing that no effort on his part would be spared in working toward the prosperity of the colonies, proposed this toast: "To the political and social prosperity of the colonies!" Mr. Lecesne, the man of color previously mentioned, expressed his thanks, in his own name and that of the black population of the colonies, to Her Majesty’s government, which, with the assistance of the friends of the blacks in this country, had accomplished such a glorious change. He spoke of the administration of the noble president as governor of Jamaica in the highest terms and observed that the tranquility now reigning in Jamaica was primarily due to the gentle yet firm and judicious manner in which the noble earl had conducted himself during his

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 tenure on the island.
He concluded by proposing a toast to the health of the noble president. The president, in thanking him, alluded to the eloquence and good taste Mr. Lecesne had demonstrated in his speech. (Times, August 4.)
France. PARIS. ORGANIZATION OF THE COLONY OF ALGIERS. The Moniteur of August 15 publishes several ordinances concerning our possessions in North Africa. The first ordinance, dated July 27, stipulates that the general command and high administration of the French possessions in North Africa (the former Regency of Algiers) are entrusted to a governor-general. He exercises his powers under the orders and direction of the Minister of War. A general officer commanding the troops, a civil intendant, a general officer commanding the navy, a public prosecutor, a military intendant, and a director of finances are responsible for the various civil and military services under the orders of the governor-general and within the scope of their respective duties. The governor-general is assisted by a council composed of the officials just mentioned. Depending on the nature of the matters submitted to the council, the governor-general invites the heads of specialized civil or military services relevant to the discussions. These individuals have a consultative voice. Until further orders are given, the French possessions in North Africa will be governed by royal ordinances. The governor-general prepares, in council, the draft ordinances required by the situation in the country and transmits them to the Minister of War. In extraordinary and urgent cases, he may provisionally render the provisions of these drafts enforceable by decree.

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A second ordinance, also dated July 27, appoints M. the Lieutenant-General Drouet, Count d'Erlon, Governor-General. Then comes the ordinance on justice, dated August 10. There will be courts of first instance in Algiers, in Bone, and in Oran, a commercial court, and a superior court in Algiers. Muslim assessors are attached to the courts of first instance in Algiers, Bone, and Oran. Indigenous courts are maintained. There will be Jewish courts wherever needed. By a fourth ordinance, dated August 12, Mr. Lepasquier, Prefect of Finistère, is appointed Civil Intendant of the French possessions in North Africa, replacing M. Genty de Bussy. By another ordinance of August 12, Mr. Laurence, Deputy, is appointed Special Commissioner of Justice. A final ordinance, also of August 12, appoints Rear Admiral Botherel de la Bretonnière Commander of the Navy in the African possessions. He will reside in Algiers. By ordinance of August 25 have been appointed: President of the Superior Court of Algiers, M. Filhon, Advocate General at the Royal Court of Bastia; Judges in the French possessions of North Africa, Messrs. Bonnet des Maisons, currently judge in the said possessions; Cornisset-la-Mathe, idem ; Salles, Investigating Judge at the Civil Court of Lourdes; Ponton-Damécourt (Louis), former Public Prosecutor; Solvet, Deputy Public Prosecutor at the Civil Court of Soissons; Giaccobi, Deputy Public Prosecutor at the Civil Court of Quimper; Verdun, Deputy Public Prosecutor at the Civil Court of Vienne;; Substitute Judges: Messrs. Gaurans, Lawyer in Toulouse, et Germain, Lawyer in Saint-Gaudens. First Deputy Public Prosecutor to the King in Algiers: Mr. Loyson, Public Prosecutor at the Civil Court of Colmar. Deputies to the Public Prosecutor General to the King in Algiers: Messrs. Daverton, former Public Prosecutor at the Civil Court of Melle; Renaud Lebon, Lawyer in Paris; and Fleury, Deputy Public Prosecutor at the Civil Court of Castellane.

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MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. We are informed that Mr. Charles Télèphe, an officer of the National Guard of Martinique, currently in Paris, has just written a letter to the Minister of the Navy and Colonies to enlighten the minister on the dreadful affair of Grand'Anse. It is known that Mr. Télèphe played a role in this matter: in his capacity as an officer of the National Guard, he was entrusted with the confidence of the governor, in a moment when there was concern about the position the majority of men of color would take in the presence of their armed brethren, who, like the whites, had also entrenched themselves in the camp of Fond-Capot. Mr. Télèphe was the bearer of amnesty proposals for the men of color. It is said that in his letter, Mr. Télèphe explains all these particulars to the minister. We can only applaud the sense of justice and patriotism that prompted this officer to write this letter. - During a meeting of the founders of the Society for the Abolition of Slavery, held on August 15, the members present resolved to offer the presidency of the Society to the Duke of Broglie, whose eloquent speeches in the Chamber of Peers on the slave trade are honorable precedents and valuable assurances. Messrs. Passy and Odilon-Barrot were appointed vice-presidents, and Messrs. Delaborde and Isambert were named secretaries. Mr. Passy was tasked with drafting the program of the Society’s objectives, while Mr. Isambert will prepare a study on the first modifications needed in colonial legislation regarding enslaved people. Mr. Gaëtan de Larochefoucauld has agreed to draft an analysis of the work of the Society for Christian Morality in relation to the abolition of slavery. A letter from Mr. Gaëtan de Larochefoucauld, communicated to us by Mr. Delaborde, secretary of the Society for the Abolition of Slavery, announces that several Peers of France and a large number of Deputies have expressed their desire to join this Society; among the names, we note Admiral Verhuell, known for his excellent speech in the Chamber of Peers on the slave trade. - The inhabitants of Senegal, in recognition of the good services

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 rendered to them in the past by Baron Roger, former governor of that colony and now a member of the Chamber of Deputies, have sent him an African pirogue made from a single tree trunk.
- Have been admitted as doctor-physicians at the Faculty of Medicine in Paris, the men of color whose names follow: Antoine Clavier, of Martinique. Virgile, of Guiana. Salesse, of Mauritius. Merlet, of Haiti. Mr. Eugène Clavier has been admitted as a lawyer in Rennes. - M. Bissette was summoned to the correctional police court by Mr. Artaud, on account of a Letter to Mr. Cicéron, lawyer in Martinique; in this letter, Mr. Artaud perceived an act of defamation against him. The court, without regard for Mr. Artaud’s conclusions, sentenced Mr. Bissette to a fine of 25 francs. We will report on this trial in our next issue. It is said that Mr. Arsène Nogues, Attorney General in Martinique, is striving with all his might to earn the hand of a young Creole woman, the daughter of a wealthy white planter of the colony. Has Mr. Arsène Nogues earned his spurs with the judgment of condemnation he has just obtained from the court in Martinique? We are assured that the delegates of the Martinican aristocracy are petitioning the Minister of the Navy and Colonies for the decoration of officer of the Legion of Honor for Mr. Arsène Nogues. Mr. Arsène Nogues had already been decorated with the Legion of Honor shortly after the execution of the twenty-four slaves sentenced to death in 1831. After the condemnation in the case of the deportees from Martinique in 1824, RICHARD-LUCY, then Attorney General, came to France, petitioned the Ministry of the Navy, and very easily obtained the decoration of the Legion of Honor. It is known that RICHARD Lucy had enforced the sentence of condemnation to perpetual

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 galley service in defiance of the appeal in cassation that had been filed by the condemned.
We believe, from a reliable source, that the three magistrates who presided over the Grand'Anse affair, Mr. Perrinelle, Mr. Lepelletier-Duclary as well as RICHARD-LUCY, are very shortly to arrive in France.
FRENCH COLONIES. MARTINIQUE. We are informed from Saint-Pierre: "........ Our unfortunate condemned have filed appeals in cassation. Here you have the list of those condemned to death. It is said that the ruling is to be printed, which I will be sure to send to you. Truly, my dear friend, for a month we have been wearied by the sight, morning and evening, of a procession of men, chained or handcuffed two by two, and bound on top of that, escorted by 60 to 80 royal gendarmes with rifles and around 200 soldiers. I forgot to tell you that our unfortunate brothers did not dare speak, during their interrogation, about camp Bonafond's white flag'. It is said that Mr. Deslix, a lawyer from Fort-Royal, after demanding 22 quadruples of Spain from eight unfortunates to defend them, advised these poor ignorant men not to mention this circumstance, under the pretext that it might prejudice the judges against them. But would you believe it? This same Deslix, after having charged so dearly, did not even wait for the ruling to file the appeal for his unfortunate clients in case of condemnation, and left for Fort-Royal yesterday before the judgment was pronounced. What will your European lawyers say of such conduct? His defense is so thoroughly colonial that he sought, and easily obtained, permission to have it printed in the official journal, where it appeared last Sunday, June 29, while they feared to allow the publication of the debates. Admirable distributive justice!" Barthel alone spoke boldly about the white flag of the

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 Bonafond camp. Mr. Perrinelle said to him: "You are mistaken; it was a tablecloth with a wine stain that had been placed in the sun."
"Mr. President," Barthel replied, "one does not place a tablecloth at the end of a bamboo over twenty feet long to dry in the sun." We are working on the appeal for our unfortunate friends. No, it shall not be said that so many victims are left to be led to the scaffold. France will protect us from the terror of the whites. Throughout this affair, Barthel and Samuel have conducted themselves admirably; they responded with dignity and firmness. Léonce, however, allowed himself to be intimidated......
GUADELOUPE. The individuals named Marianne and Sébastiano-Francisco de Paula, on the night of June 11, murdered the unfortunate Francisque Vaille, master of the port, at Pointe-à-Pitre. Marianne had been working for quite some time on the barges in the city and was considered to be an intimate friend of Vaille; Vaille himself even referred to him as his brother. Vaille had gone fishing on June 11, at nine o’clock in the evening, with Marianne and Sébastiano-Francisco de Paula. The next day, the latter two returned alone and, going to Vaille’s residence, ordered his servant, in his name, to prepare an excellent dinner for them and for her master, who they claimed had stayed behind at Île à Cochon. During the servant’s absence, they reportedly broke open Vaille’s trunks and stole several jewels, seven silver utensils, and a sum of twelve to fifteen hundred francs. They even took Vaille’s uniform insignias, his documents, and his commission as port master. They had already secured passage aboard the schooner Le Condor, which departed the next day for Saint Thomas, and, by a stroke of fatality, no one raised concern about Vaille’s disappearance until his murderers were already beyond the reach of the law. It was not until June 14 that Vaille’s body was found near Morne à Savon, carried there by the currents. His body was riddled with dagger wounds; there were wounds on his back, his abdomen, and his head, with three directed at his heart. More than fifteen wounds were counted. After his death, Vaille was thrown into the sea, his neck tied with a rope weighted down with stones.

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GUIANA  We are informed from Cayenne: ..... We are here under the unfortunate influence of an aristocratic clique that relentlessly persecutes all independent men who have taken seriously the modifications brought by the new law to our old colonial legislation, which these gentlemen of the clique are determined to maintain at all costs. Mr. Persegol is one such man; as a result, this honorable magistrate has been forced to leave a post in which, for nearly ten years of service, he has always distinguished himself by his impartiality. The Minister of the Navy, by provoking M. Persegol's resignation, has undoubtedly acted at the instigation of some high-ranking officials who oppose the new law. We hope that the Minister of the Navy, despite the ill spirit of the colony's chief presently in Paris, will return M. Persegol to Cayenne. We cannot understand, truly, why this magistrate’s conduct has been called into question. But, I repeat, there is hope here that justice will be served and that he will be sent back among us. Foolishness and prejudice reign here as sovereigns: merely having respect for fairness and wanting justice to be equal for all, whether in protection or in punishment, is enough to become the target of the animosity of the proud and servile aristocrats who dominate us. In Paris, one cannot conceive of the illiberal absurdity of our officials of all ranks, most of whom are as small-minded as they are petty. In the atmosphere of liberty in which you live, I doubt you could believe in such excesses of brutishness. It goes so far that we have seen—believe me, do not laugh in disbelief but rather feel indignation or laugh bitterly with contempt—yes, we have seen a civil registry officer refuse to record the revered names of Tracy, Delaborde,Isambert,Salverte,Villevêque etc., which men of color wished to give to their children as a token of their deep gratitude for these honorable defenders of their liberty. Is it possible to imagine anything like it? Language, does it not, lacks the words to describe such ineptitude combined with such little respect

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 for common rights?
It is, however, by such actions of this kind that our authorities often distinguish themselves. Poor civilization of ours! In this affair, the ridiculous outweighs the barbaric; fortunate when barbarity does not outweigh the ridiculous!.....
SENEGAL The most recent dispatches are dated June 29. They report that an envoy from the chief of the Trarza Moors arrived in Saint-Louis on June 24 to negotiate peace; however, failing to reach an agreement with the Governor of Senegal on the terms of the treaty to be concluded, the envoy returned to King Mohamed-el-Habib to inform him of the conditions imposed. Hostilities had, moreover, ceased on both the right and left banks of the river. It was generally believed in Saint-Louis that the destitution in which the Trarza Moors found themselves, as a result of the war disrupting their commercial relations with Senegal, would soon compel them to seek peace under the terms they had so far rejected. By a ruling of April 9, 1854, the appellate council of Senegal and its dependencies, sitting in Saint-Louis, declared guilty of the crime of trafficking blacks in the Salum River, a dependency of Senegal, using the schooner Laguila de Oro, and sentenced, under Articles 5, 4, and 5 of the law of March 4, 1851, concerning the suppression of the slave trade, and Articles 21, 22, and 66 of the Penal Code, as follows: Domingo Pratz and Théodore Canot to five years of forced labor; Francisco and Paula Coll et Manuel Rodriguez to five years of solitary confinement, and all four to public exposure in the pillory for one hour; Barthélemy Olivier, José-Maria Martorel, Louis Palou, José Hubedas, Andrès Torres, Juan Frédérick, Juan Zamora, Antonio Berga, Jayme Bisbal, Jean-Baptiste Grive and Antoine Galone to one year of imprisonment; and all together to the costs of the proceedings payable to the state. The same ruling ordered the confiscation and sale, by the appropriate authority, of the schooner Laguila de Oro. ALGIERS  Work continues actively. The number of ill is much lower than in previous years. Our relations

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 with the Arabs are currently not hostile, but they are far from being as amicable and secure as was claimed in official reports. However, while some tribes show hostility, there is not the slightest sign of a general conflagration, and our establishments will have nothing to fear as long as they face only a few partial attacks. Some tribes having attempted to cut our communications in the territory of the Ouled-Boasis, that people and a few neighboring groups unexpectedly fell upon the hostile tribes and routed them completely.
FOREIGN COLONIES. MAURITIUS.  The le Cernéen contains the following article on the colonies: Colonial questions relate to two entirely distinct viewpoints, whether considered in terms of the emancipation of the blacks—a specifically English question that will soon become that of all civilized nations—or in terms of material aspects such as production, economy, and commercial development. The emancipation of the blacks is a question of principle; and from the day the slave trade was abolished and rejected, the principle was established. Indeed, must not one who advocates slavery, if consistent, also advocate the slave trade? No longer does one say, as Mr. de Montvéran remarks, the abolition of slavery; instead, one says the emancipation of the blacks, and this modesty in terms heralds the resolution of the question. It is a powerful fact to present to those who deny the progress of civilization, that this complete shift in public opinion now regards as unjust and unnecessary what, a century ago, was seen as the rightful and necessary practice of the black slave trade. England, now at the forefront of this philanthropic movement, was indeed the first to engage in the slave trade on the western coast of Africa. Queen Elisabeth, along with her entire court, held shares in this infamous trade, which was continued by James I and Charles I. Since 1670, approximately five million blacks have been imported into the West Indies and the American

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 continent north of the equator. Defying the ordinary laws of population, 4,555,220 blacks and 2,458,000 mulattoes, mestizos, and mixed-blood individuals now represent this vast stock. South of the equator, two million Brazilian blacks perhaps represent even greater misfortune.
The six French colonies count 270,000 slaves, whom the colonists estimate at 1,500 francs each; the Spanish colonies of Cuba et dePuerto-Rico have 320,000 slaves, valued at approximately 1,000 francs each; the eighteen English colonies in the gulf of Mexico and the Isle of France (Mauritius) have 693,200 slaves, valued at 1,500 francs each. This, along with the slaves of the Dutch colonies, including Surinam, Curaçao, Saint-Eustache and Saba estimated at a total of around 100 million francs, would bring the indemnity claimed to nearly two billion francs for Europe alone. It cannot be denied that slavery developed under the patronage of government; however, the emancipation of blacks should not become a source of profit for the colonists at the expense of the metropolises. If such a sum were granted, the colonists would simultaneously be reimbursed for their advances while continuing to benefit from the labor they initially sought to secure by acquiring slaves. From an economic standpoint, colonial questions are hardly easier to resolve, although the excellent considerations of M. de Montvéran regarding the development of the colony of Cuba, freed from the monopolies of the mother country, suggest what the solution should be. Indeed, the colonies annually produce 648,000,000 kilograms of sugar and 85,000,000 kilograms of coffee; they receive in exchange roughly 500,000,000 francs worth of consumer goods. This trade, amounting to one billion francs and employing a fleet of 600,000 tons, nearly 5,000 ships manned by 36,000 to 40,000 sailors, is undoubtedly an impressive example of commercial development. But under what conditions does it occur? The metropolises initially consumed little in the way of colonial goods; they found nothing simpler than to grant each colony a monopoly on their supply while reserving for themselves the monopoly on their consumption. What has resulted from this arrangement? The growth in the consumption of colonial goods was extremely rapid in European countries, and soon it

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 was no longer aligned with the production resources of the colonies. Thus, on one hand, the colonies complained that the metropolises made them pay dearly for goods they could have procured more cheaply from other nations; on the other hand, the metropolises demanded the free importation of goods that the colonies were only supplying at an extremely high cost. The natural solution was commercial freedom for both; however, as the necessity of meeting an ever-growing consumption had placed the colonies in completely abnormal production conditions, and as their goods could only find a market within the metropolis, this freedom became the signal of their ruin.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. The Revue des Colonies will not remain indifferent to the intellectual movement of the time and will keep a faithful record of all publications it considers of some interest to the cause of liberty and universal civilization. Among recently published works, les Paroles d'un Croyant, de M. de La Mennais deserves particular attention. Never has a book had such an impact, and this is understandable: Paroles d'un Croyant is not only written in the high and resolute style familiar to M. de La Mennais; it touches upon all the pressing questions that today divide the world that is ending from the world that is beginning. It troubles and stirs the souls that slumber in complacency with the present, and it encourages and consoles those who work providentially for the future. This book has particularly sown consternation and fear among the ranks of the champions of the past. Although a priest, M. de La Mennais has had the distinction of being quasi-excommunicated by the Pope. His book has been entirely condemned, and in very harsh and fanatical terms, which are an evident sign that the true Christian spirit, always rare among popes, has entirely departed from the Holy See, which, like all old institutions, is also crumbling. To give an idea of the eloquent writer's style, we will quote here the following two beautiful passages, admirable in every respect, which one might call the parable of ASSOCIATION and the parable OF LIBERTY.

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- When a tree stands alone, it is battered by the winds and stripped of its leaves; and its branches, instead of rising, droop as if they seek the earth. When a plant is alone, finding no shelter against the heat of the sun, it languishes, withers, and dies. When man is alone, the wind of power bends him toward the ground, and the heat of the greed of the great of this world absorbs the sap that nourishes him. Be not, therefore, like the tree and the plant that stand alone; but unite with one another, support one another, and shelter one another. While you remain divided, and each thinks only of himself, you can expect nothing but suffering, misfortune, and oppression. What is weaker than the sparrow and more defenseless than the swallow? Yet, when the bird of prey appears, the swallows and sparrows manage to drive it away by gathering around it and chasing it together. Take example from the sparrow and the swallow. He who separates from his brothers is followed by fear when he walks, sits beside him when he rests, and does not leave him even during his sleep. Therefore, if someone asks you: How many are you? answer: We are one, for our brothers are us, and we are our brothers. God has made neither small nor great, neither masters nor slaves, neither kings nor subjects; He has made all men equal. But among men, some possess more strength of body, mind, or will, and it is those who seek to subjugate others when pride or greed smothers the love of their brothers within them. And God knew it would be so, and that is why He commanded men to love one another, so that they might be united and the weak might not fall under the oppression of the strong. For he who is stronger than one will be less strong than two, and he who is stronger than two will be less strong than four; and thus, the weak will fear nothing when, loving one another, they are truly united.

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A man was traveling through the mountains, and he came to a place where a large boulder, having rolled onto the path, blocked it entirely, and off the path, there was no way through, neither to the left nor to the right.   Now, this man, seeing that he could not continue his journey because of the boulder, tried to move it to make himself a passage. He exhausted himself with this task, and all his efforts were in vain. Seeing this, he sat down full of sadness and said: "What will become of me when night falls and finds me in this solitude, without shelter, without any defense, at the hour when wild beasts come out to seek their prey?"   And as he was absorbed in this thought, another traveler came along, and he too tried to do what the first had done, but found himself equally unable to move the boulder. He sat down in silence and lowered his head.   After him, several others arrived, and none could move the boulder, and they all felt great fear. At last, one of them said to the others: "My brothers, let us pray to our Father who is in heaven; perhaps He will have pity on us in this distress."   And these words were heeded, and they prayed earnestly to the Father who is in heaven.   And when they had prayed, the one who had said, "Let us pray," spoke again: "My brothers, what none of us could do alone, who knows if we might not accomplish it all together?"   And they rose, and all together they pushed the boulder, and the boulder gave way, and they continued on their journey in peace.   The traveler is man, the journey is life, and the boulder is the miseries he encounters at every step on his path. No man can lift this boulder alone, but God has measured its weight so that it never halts those who travel together.   II. Do not let yourselves be deceived by empty words. Many will seek to persuade you that you are truly free because they have written the word LIBERTY on a piece of paper and posted it at every street corner.   Liberty is not a poster to be read at the corner of the street; it
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 is a living power felt within and around oneself, the protective spirit of the domestic hearth, the guarantor of social rights, and the foremost of those rights.  
The oppressor who cloaks himself in its name is the worst of oppressors; he combines falsehood with tyranny and profanation with injustice: for the name LIBERTY is sacred.   Beware, then, of those who cry, "Liberty, liberty," and destroy it by their deeds. Do you choose those who govern you, who command you to do this and not do that, who levy taxes on your goods, your industry, your labor? And if it is not you, how are you free? The birds of the sky and even the insects gather together to achieve collectively what none of them could accomplish alone. Can you assemble to deliberate together on your interests, to defend your rights, to seek some relief from your sufferings? And if you cannot, how are you free? Can you move from one place to another without permission, enjoy the fruits of the earth and the products of your labor, dip your finger in the sea's water, and let a drop fall into the humble earthen pot where your food cooks, without risking a fine or being dragged to prison? And if you cannot, how are you free? Can you, as you lie down at night, be certain that no one will come during your sleep to search the most private corners of your home, tear you from your family, and throw you into a dungeon because power, in its fear, has grown suspicious of you? And if you cannot, how are you free? Liberty will shine upon you when, through courage and perseverance, you have freed yourselves from all these servitudes. Liberty will shine upon you when you say deep within your soul: We want to be free, when you are ready to sacrifice everything and endure all to achieve it. Liberty will shine upon you when, at the foot of the cross on which Christ died for you, you swear to die for one another. IMPRIMERIE D'HERHAN, 580, RUE SAINT-DENIS
Revue Coloniale Revue Coloniale The Revue Coloniale, was an ephemeral monthly periodical, printed in Paris during the year 1838. Its founder Édouard Bouvet and editor Rosemond Beauvallon conceived of it on the model of many similar, contemporaneous publications reporting on political and economic questions of interest to white colonists while also attending to arts and literature, as attested by the journal’s complete title: Revue Coloniale. intérêts des colons : marine, commerce, littérature, beaux-arts, théâtres, modes. In the December 1838 issue of the Revue des Colonies, Cyrille Bissette acknowledges the Revue Coloniale as both an ideological opponent and a competitor in the print market. Fondée par Édouard Bouvet et dirigée par Rosemond Beauvallon, la Revue Coloniale, sous-titrée intérêts des colons : marine, commerce, littérature, beaux-arts, théâtres, modes, souscrit au modèle des revues destinées aux propriétaires coloniaux, rendant compte de l'actualité politique et économique des colonies tout en ménageant une place aux contenus littéraires, culturels et mondains. Dans le numéro de décembre 1838 de la Revue des Colonies, Cyrille Bissette reconnaît en la Revue Coloniale tant un adversaire idéologique qu'un concurrent dans le paysage médiatique. Le Moniteur universel Le Moniteur universel Le Moniteur universel, often simply referred to as the “Le Moniteur” is one of the most frequently referenced nineteenth-century French newspapers. An important cultural signifier, it was referenced frequently in other publications, in fiction, and likely in contemporary discussions. Its title, derived from the verb monere, meaning to warn or advise, gestures at Enlightenment and Revolutionary ideals of intelligent counsel. Initially, Le Moniteur universel was merely a subtitle of the Gazette Nationale, established in 1789 by Charles-Joseph Panckouke, who also published Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie. Only in 1811 that the subtitle officially ascended to title. The Moniteur had become the official voice of the consular government in 1799. Under the Empire, it gained the privilege of publishing government acts and official communications, effectively becoming the Empire's primary propaganda outlet. However, its role was not confined to this function. It survived various political regimes, including the Revolution and the death of Panckouke in 1798. Its longevity can be attributed to its adaptability, with its successive iterations reflecting the political culture of each historical stage, transitioning from an encyclopedic model during the Revolution, to a state propaganda tool during the First Empire, to a collection of political speeches under the constitutional monarchy and the Second Republic, and finally, to a daily opinion newspaper for the general public under Napoleon III. During the print run of the Revue des Colonies, the “Moniteur” was divided into two main sections: the “official” and the “unofficial” part. Government documents and official communications were published in the official section, while other current events and various topics were featured in the unofficial section under a range of headings such as “Domestic,” “International,” “Entertainment,” etc. The texts cited in Revue des Colonies were most often found in the unofficial section, typically under the “Domestic” heading and on the front page. Titles containing the label “Moniteur” followed by a toponym abounded throughout the nineteenth century: local or colonial titles used this formula to emphasize their official status, maintaining the distinction between the official and unofficial sections. Laurence Guellec, « Les journaux officiels », La Civilisation du journal (dir. Dominique Kalifa, Philippe Régnier, Marie-Ève Thérenty, Alain Vaillant), Paris, Nouveau Monde, 2011. https://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universel . Le Moniteur universel, ou « Le Moniteur », est l’un des journaux les plus cités, sous cette forme abrégée et familière, au cours du XIXe siècle : on le retrouve, véritable élément de civilisation, dans la presse, dans les fictions, probablement dans les discussions d’alors. Ce titre, qui renvoie au langage des Lumières et de la Révolution, dérive étymologiquement du verbe monere, signifiant avertir ou conseiller. Il n’est d’abord que le sous-titre de la Gazette nationale, créée en 1789 par Charles-Joseph Panckouke, éditeur entre autres de l’Encyclopédie de Diderot et d’Alembert ; ce n’est qu’en 1811 que le sous-titre, Le Moniteur universel, devient officiellement titre. Lancé en 1789, ce périodique devient en 1799 l’organe officiel du gouvernement consulaire ; il obtient ensuite, sous l’Empire, le privilège de la publication des actes du gouvernement et des communications officielles, passant de fait au statut d’« organe de propagande cardinal de l’Empire ». Il ne se limite pourtant pas à cette fonction, et survit aux différents régimes politiques comme il a survécu à la Révolution et à la mort de Panckouke en 1798. Sa survie est notamment liée à sa capacité à changer : les modèles adoptés par sa rédaction, qu'ils soient choisis ou imposés par le pouvoir en place, reflètent de manière révélatrice la culture politique propre à chaque période marquante de son histoire. Ainsi, comme le souligne Laurence Guellec, il se transforme en une grande encyclopédie pendant la Révolution, devient un instrument de propagande étatique sous le Premier Empire, se mue en recueil des discours des orateurs durant la monarchie constitutionnelle et la Seconde République, puis se positionne en tant que quotidien grand public et journal d'opinion sous le règne de Napoléon III. Ajoutons enfin que les titres constitués du syntagme « Moniteur » suivi d’un toponyme sont nombreux, au cours du siècle, en France : les titres locaux ou coloniaux adoptent cette formule pour mettre en exergue leur ancrage officiel, et respectent la distinction entre partie officielle et non officielle. À l’époque de la Revue des Colonies, Le Moniteur universel est organisé en deux grandes parties : la « partie officielle » et la « partie non officielle ». Les actes du gouvernement et les communications officielles, quand il y en a, sont publiés dans la partie officielle, en une – mais parfois en quelques lignes – et les autres textes, tous d’actualité mais aux thèmes divers, paraissent dans la partie non officielle sous des rubriques elles aussi variées : intérieur, nouvelles extérieures, spectacles, etc. Les textes que cite la Revue des Colonies paraissent dans la partie non officielle, le plus souvent sous la rubrique « Intérieur » et en une. Laurence Guellec, « Les journaux officiels », La Civilisation du journal (dir. Dominique Kalifa, Philippe Régnier, Marie-Ève Thérenty, Alain Vaillant), Paris, Nouveau Monde, 2011. https://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universel .
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