Revue des Colonies V.1 N. 2Maria Beliaeva SolomonPublication InformationInformation about the source
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REVUEDESCOLONIES,MONTHLY COMPENDIUM OF POLITICS,
ADMINISTRATION, JUSTICE, INSTRUCTION AND COLONIAL CUSTOMS,BY A SOCIETY OF MEN OF COLORSOCIETY OF MEN OF COLORDIRECTED BY C.-A. BISSETTEC.-A. BISSETTE.N°2August.PARIS, AT THE OFFICE OF THE
REVUE DES COLONIES,46, RUE NEUVE-SAINT-EUSTACHE1834.
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REVUEDES COLONIESABOLITION OF SLAVERY.
At this time, the emancipation of slaves has been proclaimed in all the colonies of the British Empire. The admirable bill, the implementation of which was set for the First of August, 1834, will change the face of the colonies. All around, these populations freed from the yoke and finally admitted to the sharing of common freedom are moved and rejoice. The bill has planned everything, regulated everything, as much as possible, both in the interest of the masters, whom the law compensates, and in the interest of the slaves, to whom it guarantees existence and honorable work. Nearly 500 million francs will be employed in this work of philanthropy and justice, conciliation and freedom! There are two great nations not yet close to imitating the fine example given by British parliament. The legislatures of France and the United States have so far only broached these questions in a meticulous manner; nothing great, no overarching principles have yet triumphed, and yet in the colonies, the question is pressing: man suffers and only adapts to the yoke reluctantly, we can say this literally. The day is not far off when, one way or another, a solution will have to be found. Colonists may pretend otherwise, but they are walking on a volcano!Are we to believe that the proximity of the English colonies, where the act of emancipation will exert such a great influence, is not likely to inspire these men who lack only the will to be free? Are we to believe that the resignation of the slave, whose right it is to be free, and he knows it or will know it soon (may masters consider this), can accommodate for much longer your procrastination and your supposed laws that bear none of the characteristics of true law? No, the abolition of slavery is today the very condition for the existence of the colonies. In the presence of this imperative necessity, only one decision can be taken, that is to immediately attend to the means by which this abolition can be most painlessly accomplished. It is inescapable.
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Therefore, let the interested parties themselves demand a law which will untie the Gordian knot, rather than foolishly wait for some black-faced and frizzy-haired Alexander to violently cut it with the sword. There is still time: they should not wait for the cobblestones and the pitchforks to make them feel that what was wanted–mere fairness–could easily have been obtained by force, although, out of sheer good nature, only an amicable concession had been requested.
In the colonies, as everywhere, it is the unwillingness of the privileged to give in to the demands of time and reason which is the real cause of these social crises called revolutions and of the popular outbursts that accompany them.Once, and perhaps only once, we would like to speak to the colonists about their interests, since the voice of humanity finds in them only deaf people of the worst kind: those who do not want to hear. Let them tell us, then, if it is not in their interest to bring about measures which compensate them, while restoring those whom they oppress–and whom they cannot oppress for much longer–to their natural rights. For, were we slave owners, we would consider, without wasting another hour, the means of organizing work and proclaiming emancipation in our homes; or, if our generosity did not go that far, we would constantly urge the metropole to design a law that would lead us out of the uncertainty and apprehension in which we, slaves and masters, live. Is not this course not only the most just, but also the most reasonable, the one indicated by wisdom and, dare we say, necessity? The slave, however stultifying the condition in which he is kept, understands his situation more or less; he has overheard that the French philanthropists were taking care of his problems and were demanding his emancipation; he knows that there no longer are slaves in the English colonies at present; and in this state of affairs, masters should not be more worried than in the past?See if one day you can escape the consequences of this great example. Already, from Martinique, located between Dominica and Saint Lucia, a large number of slaves have been escaping at night to these two English colonies to enjoy the benefits of the new bill.
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We will not end without wishing that the French government take this difficult situation into serious consideration, and urge the chambers of Parliament to seek a solution to all the embarrassments of the colonies. We would undoubtedly like the interests of the owners to be adequately satisfied by this measure, but above all we want people to remember that there are men in the colonies who are only deprived of their freedom by the most abominable abuse, and that this is not one of those questions of little importance that can be postponed until tomorrow. This is a matter of the flesh and blood of men made different from those who oppress them only by the color of their skin.NECESSITY OF EDUCATION IN THE COLONIESAt all times and in all countries ignorance has been the most powerful auxiliary of tyranny. Every government that has allowed slavery in its public law was careful to proscribe instruction as a dangerous foe. But in the colonies, this proscription, brutally enforced, has had consequences fatal to the progress of civilization. The colonial aristocracy, in its cunning and barbaric foresight, fought the development of instruction with all its might; lately it has barely allowed for the institution of a few primary schools for free men of color; but these schools, where pupils only learn basic, obtained neither the favors nor the encouragements of local authorities, fully disposed as they are to please the privileged. Men of color must not forget that, in 1803, an Attorney General to Martinique had all the schools closed to their children; and more recently yet, in 1829, the Guadeloupe administration deported without judgment Mr. Eugène Pol, a young, meritorious European teacher who devoted himself to the education of young people of color. Mr. Ballin, named educational inspector to the colonies by minister d’Argout, faced so much persecution, and was so overcome with disgust that he was forced to abandon Martinique and Guadeloupe to return
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to France, where he died of the sorrows and difficulties showered upon him. Yet the new charter has proclaimed and consecrated new rights for men of color! Let us not despair, however; and if the charter is powerless against the ill will of the white aristocracy, if we can enjoy at home the benefits of instruction but with difficulty, let us arm ourselves with patience and courage. Instruction is withheld from us in our homes; let us learn, if need be, to find it elsewhere. May those who can give their children a rich education, and may they remember that it is in France, at the heart of the capital, that such education must be obtained. There only will they find the immense benefit of the manners of an elegant and polite world, the knowledge specific to what vocation they deem fit to embrace; there, they will be able to foster relations useful to their future and get in touch with the best representatives of all countries.
Thus brought up, they will become the stalwarts of our freedom and secure titles in the recognition of the black and colored race whose rights they will conquer and defend. It is from the bosom of Paris that the Bolivars, Pétions, Boyers and their most illustrious companions in glory drew noble and generous ideas, for the triumph of which they fought with such bravery and success. It is to their knowledge and education that they owed the holy enthusiasm that led them to victory and which conquered for all of their compatriots the freedom they now enjoy. We, children of France, do not need hope that a Bolivar will come deliver us from a foreign yoke. France is too dear to us, her blessings too precious and her protection too necessary for us to indulge in ideas hostile to her. In the domination of those who rule us and interpret falsely the wishes of France, we see but an isolated deed, not the faithful expression of the motherland’s intentions.What man of color could forget that it was a French chamber that first proclaimed the Rights of man and the great principles of equality! And, besides, isn’t France
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our true motherland, of which we are so proud? The object of our most ardent desires, which certainly only the most noble and legitimate pride could inspire, would be to see men of color admitted into the civil service, offer the support of their talent and knowledge to their compatriots. It is true that, by machiavellian calculation, the few among us who obtained ranks in the army have been systematically exiled or kept in France; they were never able to find employment in the colonies, because the ministry of the Navy decided otherwise, while all the privileged young creoles are sent back with advantages, favors and commissions.Brothers and friends, how painful this thought is! How heart-rending this tableau! Let us put an end to a state of things so grievous to our true interests and so favorable to the attacks and slander of our enemies. With instruction, power, glory and wealth will come to us. Our merchants, following the example of every great trading house in Europe, will boldly seek fortune in all climates. Our sailors will share in the toil, the perils and the laurels of their French brethren; our young warriors will conquer high ranks on the battlefield, and our lawyers will make hear among their compatriots an eloquent and energetic voice in favor of the innocent and the oppressed.Then we will no longer be helots and parias ashamed to show ourselves, not knowing where to find support and protection. Invested with public trust, free and educated, we will have
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respect, and guarantees of safety for the defense of our rights, our goods and our freedom.These thoughts are not the designs of a sick and delirious imagination; for many years, an elevated patriotism has conceived, pondered this plan, it is the result of long and serious reflection. Daily experience is here to justify our ideas and give them the most irrecusable sanction, that of force of circumstance and of the natural and logical march of events.
NATIONAL DUTY TO MAKE FOREIGN POWERS RESPECT THE FRENCH CITIZENSHIP WHICH FREE MEN OF COLOR ENJOY.The July revolution, which should have been more fruitful, which will be later, we can only hope, was however not entirely sterile for our colonies. Among the blessings we owe it, we must count the law of April 24, 1833, which granted the rights of French citizens to free men of color, and placed them, without distinction, in the great family. This first step calls for others; this is the beginning of reparation that must be completed frankly and without restriction. The legislative decision that gives free men of color political rights adds: “under the conditions prescribed by law.” But for rights to have real effects and not be mere lures, legal conditions arranged for their exercise must not be combined so as to make them essentially illusory; yet, this is what has happened to electoral rights, in which only a small number of men of color can partake, because of the creation of a poll and eligibility tax. Election law for the colonies must therefore be reformed; but this is not what we mean to discuss here. Our goal today is not to demand the extension of a political right to men of color, rather it is their very right as French citizens that we mean to maintain and preserve from grievous infringement, infringement whose damage
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would bear not only on them, but on the entire nation, which must take for itself the insult levied by a foreign nation to each of its members. The privilege of color having survived every other privilege felled by the justice of the Constituent assembly and the revolution of 89; this last privilege finally fell in its turn in the revolution of 1830. France desired that every free man born in its bosom or its colonies be a citizen, no matter his color. The nation recognizes this title; it must ensure that every other nation recognize it too; none should have the leisure to distinguish between us when we make no such distinction ourselves, to create categories where we do not seek to have any, and to deny the title of Frenchman to anyone granted it by France. Yet this is what happens in the Spanish possession of Cuba, and in the meridional provinces of the United States. A Frenchman, if he happens to be a man of color, will be excluded from these two countries, and if he ventures there, will be jailed like a criminal. Here is what the minister of the Navy wrote the maritime prefect at Cherbourg on April 29, 1830:
“Following a communication sent to the king’s government, the legislative assembly of the state of Georgia recently passed a law forbidding entry into this state to any person of color (mulatto or negro, free of slave), and therefore forbids national and foreign ship captains to appear in the harbors of Savannah, Darien or Saint Mary, if they are transporting people of color, under penalty of a rigorous quarantine of forty days and obligation to pay the expenses incurred by people of color for their imprisonment for the time of the ship’s stay in port; the captain shall also commit under solvent bond to recover said people of color and make them leave the country; and, if they should refuse to do so, besides paying the cost of their detention, he shall be liable for a 500 dollar fine (2666 francs) and for imprisonment for no more than three months” The minister tasked the prefect with giving his class commissioners the order to transmit a copy of his memo to the chambers of commerce, and remind captains of ships bound for
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the ports of the state of Georgia of its contents, so that they act in accordance to this law. Later, on December 11, 1832, our minister of foreign affairs wrote to the ministry of the Navy: “The king’s consul in San Yago of Cuba told me that this past August, captain Consteau of the brick Cora-et-Julie from Bordeaux brought to San Yago of Cuba three men of color who, following the rules in effect in the island of Cuba, could not land. However, the consul managed to obtain that the captain not be troubled for this contravention and that the three men of color be allowed to find the means to go to Jamaica.” Our ministers’ language, the behavior of the French government could be conceived of under the Restoration, or even during the revolution before the law of April 24, 1833; we could not conceive of it nowadays. For us, no longer are there men of color among free men; there are only Frenchmen; yet free men of color are still ostracized. Captain Chrétin, commanding the ship Jeune Ernest back to Le Havre from a voyage to America this past December, declared that on his arrival at Charleston, the police seized a free man of color he had embarked as sailor at Bordeaux. Despite captain Chrétin’s complaints to the authorities, the sailor was kept in jail at the captain’s expense, until the ship departed. We understand the reason for the proscription of men of color in the Southern states of the Union: these states, maintaining slavery, fear contact with, and even the mere presence of, free men of color for these populations whom they keep in chains; but can the precautions of such a shadowy policy go so far as to momentarily strip a French citizen of his title as citizen, of his right to movement, so far as to treat him as an outcast and deprive him of his freedom, with no other cause than an inhospitable law?
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The law of 1833 formally abrogated
“all restrictions or exclusions pronounced against free and freed people of color regarding the exercise of civil and political rights” . In the presence of such a law, can these other, much more oppressive restrictions that go as far as denationalizing a man, as far as treating him like a slave, be tolerated? Can the French government, without abdicating its own dignity, let this state of things stand? Its own honor, as well as the interest of men of color, makes it an imperious duty to protest an interdiction that would strike French citizens and would reach them further than one thinks. Can we accept the idea that a member of the Institute of France, a general in our army, for example, not be allowed to set foot in the Southern region of the Union without being thrown in jail? This, however, is what could have happened to the famous painter Lethiers; what could also have happened to Maréchal-de-camp general Roche, who once was commander of one of our départements. We do not divide the population of the United States into categories; all inhabitants of the Union can visit France freely, travel and do business there; all can enjoy the hospitality that all civilized nations owe each other. There is no juster and least contested reciprocity. We do not ask for men of color the right to bear seeds of trouble and rebellion among the men of color of the Southern states of the Republic; their conduct can be surveilled and punished if found guilty; France would not protest a punishment if inflicted lawfully. But she must protest, with all the energy that comes from receiving an insult to one’s own manifest right, against all preventive interdiction, all arbitrary imprisonment, all deed that could harm the character of French citizens which free men of color born anywhere on our territory enjoy.
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OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COLONIAL ARISTOCRACY AND THE AGENTS OF THE MEN OF COLORThe law of April 1833 that institutes an assembly in the colonies under the name of colonial council, which is composed of those colonists who pay a 600 francs tax, and which nominates delegates supposedly to represent general interest in the metropole, cannot and will never have, in the terms by which it was conceived, any result of a nature to satisfy the majority of the population of the colonies. Indeed, the obligation to pay a tax as high as 600 francs only allows access to the colonial council to the wealthiest owners of plantations and slaves, those we call the colonial aristocracy, and not at all to the mass of black, mulatto and even white workers who make up the majority of the population. The delegates nominated by this council therefore only represent the interests of the great landowners; their views are exclusive, aristocratic, entirely opposed to the betterment of the fate of those classes which they fear or hate. Nominated thus, chosen by deciders truly interested in making sure that nothing is done in favor of the colored classes, they are in France only to support and defend the privileges of white people. This law has only brought to the colonies the organization of a new monopoly. How could men nominated by a majority in which the colored element could only ever participate as a minimal portion pretend to represent men of color? This is a mockery. So this law remedied nothing: as a law of privilege and monopoly, it is powerless to produce results favorable to general emancipation. We can therefore conclude that those who call themselves delegates of the colonies are in fact only the agents of the privileged, the advocates of owners of land and slaves; never in any way the representatives of our interests, we, owners of small properties and owners, one might say, of small freedom, who demand for ourselves and others not to be excluded from common law, we who do more and want abolition not only of slavery among all men no matter their
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color but, referring to our declaration of principles, also want their direct participation in the election of representatives of our society. Freedom and equality, these two dogmas so misunderstood at the top and bottom of the social scale and against which gross prejudice has been allowed to grow, are also our motto. Consequently we will only ever recognize the character of delegates of the colonies to men, white or black, elected by both free men of all colors and by freed and civilized black men. Until then, the matter will be de facto, not de jure. It matters little that we are told about this right, as we cannot exercise it; not because we are oppressed and passive; but because even if we are not called to put it in practice, this right is to us imprescriptible and sacred. This is why we call these alleged representatives of the colonies delegates of the colonial aristocracy; this is why we refuse to see in them the character of representatives which they claim to have. But, might we ask, have those who call themselves agents for the men of color any better claim to being the representatives of the colonies? Not legally, no, we will not dither in saying so; but morally, yes, no matter the denials of the interested parties, this we believe. They have received a mandate from all the people with the same interest, the same need for freedom, all those who feel and understand the situation; they have received a mandate from their consciousness and their will, like all the men who have toiled for humanity. In the beginning, they received this mandate in letters from their many friends; it has since been confirmed by proxy from the great majority of men of color, i.e. men sharing a common interest. This title of agents was recognized by the varied ministers who have sat in the department of the Navy and the Colonies since July. Explained thus, who could deny this title to any man of color who would speak up for his brethren? Why should it matter to us that the minister of the Navy denounced to the minister of Justice the one among the former deportees from Martinique who thought he must add this title to his name! We who have voluntarily renounced this
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qualification for being useless and likely to be an obstacle to the free development of our ideas–for being useless, not illicit–would take it up again with haste if we thought it of a nature to bring up lawsuits. This would be a wonderful occasion to say out loud words that would only confuse the privileged. Therefore it is understood that the delegates nominated by virtue of the law of April 1833 are in our eyes but the paid prosecutors sent by the colonial aristocracy to the ministry of the Navy and the Colonies. As to the title of agent of the men of color: whosoever shall eloquently plead for their rights, whosoever shall articulate with force and truth their moral, intellectual and physical needs, and pursue redress for their grievances against their dominators shall earn this honorable title. THE GRAND’ANSE AFFAIRLe TempsLe Temps having published a letter in which the events that took place at Grand’Anse were strangely misrepresented, Mr. Gatine, attorney at the court of cassation, highlighted the erroneous assertions made by this newspaper’s correspondent. We cannot explain why Mr. Gatine’s letter was refused insertion into this newspaper unless we accept as true what we were told by some people whom we have every reason to believe well informed, which is that Le TempsLe Temps, for a variety of reasons, is more devoted to the interests of colonial aristocracy than to the rights of man so indignantly outraged in the treatment meted to men of color. We publish with pleasure and haste Mr. Gatine’s remarkable refutation.
July 20, 1834.To the Editor of le Tempsle Temps.Sir,You inserted in your issue of the 19th a letter written by a Martinique colonist regarding the major trial currently taking place in this
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ccolony; this letter is of a nature to provoke reflections that you may perhaps be brought to publish also, out of sheer impartiality. Like its author, I am one of those who think that we should have avoided polemic about the deplorable events that took place at Grand’Anse before they were fully known in France and until justice had pronounced the fate of so many accused of a capital crime; but I am far from believing that existing publications tried to give the lie to public opinion by flipping onto the accusing party its plot accusation, by stating that the alleged conspiracy of men of color to massacre all the whites and steal all their belongings in December last was merely the machiavellian invention of a few troublemakers from across the other hemisphere, for this party has its own troublemakers. Let them hang their ex voto from the temple’s arches and declare that it was through unexpected blessing that Martinique avoided the most subversive plans and that if they, supposed oppressors, did not suffer to play the sad role of victims, they owe it only to the cowardice of their enemies. But who will believe in this conspiracy of blood and massacres, when they learn that these armed gangs who allegedly roamed several quarters of the colony, dagger in hand, for three days, did not commit a single crime they could possibly be accused of! Shall it not become obvious that this empty, evidenceless accusation is the work of party and that it targets pell mell men who remained entirely foreign to the events, such as Léonce from Saint-Pierre, who was indicted on the strength of correspondence from 1824! Who will believe in this already embarrassing conspiracy for which your own correspondent, Mr. Editor, requires clemency in advance!... Finally, who will see without deep sorrow these inconceivable songs of victory, and this claim of cowardice borrowed from the act of accusation which repeats it three times with such complacency? It would seem, reading these boasts, these reproaches so strangely hurled at men of color, that this were a military event in which glory could be gained by one party or the other. And they accuse these men of provoking civil war! A well place reproach it is
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to have lacked the courage to tear our homeland’s bosom! I always thought that following these deplorable clashes, good citizens should cry in silence on the victory of some as well as the defeat of others. A noble reproach it is, to be sure, that is shouted loudly at captives, men who voluntarily put down their weapons after being promised amnesty, bound prisoners whose heads you are asking for! Have you not considered with what bitterness your accusations of cowardice might here be turned against you! Was it courage to order your soldiers to fire at three of your prisoners trying to escape, one of whom fell, pierced with bullets (a fact which the act of accusation itself recognizes, on p.108)? Was it courage to shoot to death through the boards of its hut an entire family (a fact admitted in the le
Moniteur le
Moniteur of March 17 last)?
Let us leave these sad recriminations. What are they worth in the presence of the great interests for humanity and civilization stirred by the Grand’Anse affair? The event has passed; the blood of men of color, and men of color only, has flowed in a conflict which history shall perhaps list alongside the conjurations in which Caron, Bories and too many other victims have died in France. But a trial for conspiracy and encouragement to civil war remains, a monstrous trial, as we should call it, with twenty-five counts of accusation and one hundred and seventeen people standing accused of a capital crime, all of whom have been deprived of their freedom for the past six months and already ruined, no matter the outcome. All trials like this one are a social calamity, a great public misfortune in the face of which, we say it again, all caste or party recriminations must remain silent. We have only one wish, that the accusation not obtain the one hundred and seventeen heads it demanded. Even they undoubtedly do not want them: what use do they have of so many heads? In February 1831, twenty-six slaves, also accused of fomenting a conspiracy were hanged in one day. But one hundred and seventeen heads!... Surely the hangmen would find courage and strength wanting. I am honored to be, etc.AD. GATINE, subscriberAttorney at the court of cassation.
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SOCIETY FOR THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERYIn 1789, when the Estates General were summoned, a society was constituted in Paris that has since served as a model for the English; its goal was to convince people not only of the inhumanity of slavery, characterized by the privations of all sorts imposed to the unfortunate under its yoke and the atrocious punishments to which summary justice exposes them, but also to demonstrate how it corrupts moral sentiment in masters; overall, it was meant to look into the possibility of replacing slavery, in our colonies, with domesticity, by changing the agricultural system.The illustrious Lafayette, the abbé Grégoire, as representative for the bailiwick of Nancy at the Estates General, were at the head of this philanthropic association that found many supporters in the assembly. When the Estates General opened, public opinion had already so far progressed that minister Necker, in his May 5, 1789 address, told representatives of the nation, after evoking the abolition of tallage:
Perhaps one day will come when you will further extend your interest; perhaps one day will come when, associating the representatives of the colonies to your deliberations, you shall look with compassion on this unfortunate people that have quietly been made into an object of traffic; these men similar to us in their thinking and in the sad ability to suffer; these men who, without mercy for their painful complaints, we hoard, we pile up in the hold of a ship before taking them full sail to the chains awaiting them… Already humanity is defended in the name of personal interest and political calculations, and this superb cause will soon appear in the tribunal of all nations. Ah! How many satisfactions, how many kinds of glory await the series of estates generals bound to occur in this enlightened century! Woe, woe and shame upon the French nation if it
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were to misread the price for such a position, if it did not seek to show itself worthy of it and if such ambition proved too strong for it.When the representatives of Saint-Domingue went to the assembly, members contested the legitimacy of their title, because they represented a slave land, and because even free men (of color) had been excluded from elective assemblies. The national assembly soon decreed that all free landowners would be electors, no matter their color. It announced its intention to work on the emancipation of slaves. The speed of events and the catastrophes that followed the division between free men of different classes in Saint Domingue and other colonies precipitated this emancipation and prevented it from reaching maturity. Napoleon, after he tricked Toussaint-l’Ouverture and the other Black leaders through the most fallacious political promises, reestablished slavery and the trade in negroes throughout the colonies.In England, the famous Wilberforce, through his motions in Parliament and his eloquent writings, the missionary Clarkson, through his wise and courageous explorations, resumed the work of the French philanthropists and while despotism, developing quickly in France, adjourned matters of freedom, they obtained from the British Parliament the abolition of the slave trade, sanctioned by the Congress of Vienna since. During the Hundred Days, Napoleon decreed the same abolition for France; the Restoration adjourned this measure by a few years; today this law is in force. But what is the abolition of the slave trade by comparison to the abolition of slavery?Wilberforce was lucky enough to see his works brought to completion before he closed his eyes forever. Despite the increase of the English debt, this nation did not retreat from a sacrifice of close to 500 millions in order to give satisfaction to humanity. How could France, which always takes the initiative on measures of this sort, remain behind? Where is the taxpayer who would think twice about a sacrifice to abolish this work of barbarity?
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Slavery was introduced sneakily in our colonies by the cupidity of a company of merchant dealers from the islands. This innovation went against a famous national monument from the fourteenth century regarding the abolition of serfdom in France: “Every man should be born frank (free), and our kingdom is the kingdom of the Franks,” said king of France Louis the Quarrelsome. Colonial prejudice still has so many defenders in the metropole that it appeared necessary to friends of humanity and the cause of civilization to unite and devise the fastest and most peaceful means to obtain this abolition.We are certain that they will be seconded by the free men of color. Those who know from experience that as long as there are slaves, only in vain will they claim for themselves the fullness of civil rights. They will be kept in the state of ilotas, or civil incapacity, precisely by the strength of the arguments used to maintain slavery. We learn that a Society for the abolition of slavery is currently being formed in Paris under the direction of Victor de Tracy, Lainé de Villevêque, Eusèbe Salverte, Alexandre Delaborde, Isambert, Gaëtan de Larochefoucauld and other members of the chamber of deputies. We hope that the greatson-in-law of Mr. Necker, though he did nothing for this cause during his tenure as minister, will hasten to join these honorable deputies, and that the eloquent opponent to the trade, in the chamber of peers, will not back off the abolition of slavery.In our next issue we will make known the organization of the Society and the names of its members.
OF GUADELOUPE’S COLONIAL COUNCILThe law of April 24, 1833 has begun to be enforced in our colonies, and already we have under our eyes the minutes of Guadeloupe’s colonial council’s meetings. Reading them
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attentively gives us evidence of the fulfillment of our predictions regarding the results of this new law. Indeed, after studying it, there could remain no doubt in our minds about its perfidious combinations: we warned about them, called them out without hesitation.A deliberating assembly made up of aristocratic elements was in our eyes but the consecration of privilege based on a law and dressed in a veneer of legality; it was to establish legislative hypocrisy as law. And indeed, just take a look at the minutes of Guadeloupe’s council, and you will see the paucity of its works, indicating they are but miserable comedy performed in the interest of circumstance. The first meetings were spent in speeches of pomp and circumstance, long and fastidious harangues in which smoke was blown freely. The governor seats the council, spouting platitudes in parliamentarian phraseology, then counsellors pat each other’s backs and give as good as they get. So far nothing too enlightening, nothing too useful, but then comes the verification of credentials for our 600 francs Lycurguses, and the nomination of high-ranking officials such as the president, the secretaries, the bailiff and the custodian.After the legislative machine was set up, all that was left was to make it work. It had so many useful things to request, so many abuses to report! Does not the country call for organic law based on the principles of liberty? Does it not want education spread to all classes, this new life which alone can teach man to understand his rights and duties? Does it not want the emancipation of the wretched slaves to be facilitated and for masters to be forced to treat them with humanity? Such are in part the wishes of the masses who, in the colonies as in Europe, do not shut themselves up in shameful selfishness. But considerations of a much higher order have kept this noble council busy. In the meeting of January 8th, they listened closely to their president general Ambert, who said that “the council shall enter in a system of improvements compatible with acquired rights.” We know, however, that in colonial parlance, acquired rights means the possession of slaves:
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by this token, a descendent of Cartouche, owing his wealth to his ancestor’s robberies, would have acquired rights. This address boded well. Meetings ensued, one more insignificant than the other, almost all dedicated to regulations; some closed as soon as they opened, for lack of agenda. Finally, in the meeting of January 14th, the attorney general having tabled a variety of legislative projects concerning civil and criminal matters, the documents are acknowledged, and ordered to be sent to the offices. In the January 23rd meeting, Mr. Mauguin, member of the French chamber of deputies, and Mr. de Jabrun, colonial counsellor, are named delegates for Guadeloupe. In the meeting of the 25th, the assembly adopts a decree to substitute auctioneers to salesmen. Such are the summaries of the great works that have occupied the first session of Guadeloupe’s general council. Are they not of a nature to demonstrate the plentitude of talents, activity and patriotism with which these privileged legislators were blessed! But with the national guard or militia, which should be this country’s force; but with public instruction, which elevates the soul and develops ideas, matters on which the minister had consulted them, out of some sort of condescendance, no doubt, they were careful not to busy themselves, fearing more than anything what might operate a fusion. It goes with certain assemblies as it goes with certain degraded men, who are deprived of sympathy for anything grand and generous. ON THE INSTALLATION SPEECHES OF MARTINIQUE’S COLONIAL COUNCILOpening addresses at deliberating assemblies generally express the spirit that animates them; in this way only do they deserve public attention, when they do not confine themselves to flatly paraphrasing the words of power. In the latter circumstances, it is very difficult not to thoughtlessly let out a sentence that will betray the true sympathies of the majority in these assemblies.
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What is more rare, to the point that only a few examples of it exist, is to see a deliberating assembly deliver a formal denial to the assertions of the organ of the government regarding obvious facts observable by all. Nevertheless, we have such an example in Martinique, where the members of the colonial council, responding to the governor, demonstrated unequivocally that they are filled with the strongest irritation any time a progressive thought sees the day.In one of the first paragraphs in his address, governor Dupotet states that “the greatest tranquility reigns in all quarters of the colony. This felicitous state of things we owe to the wisdom of colonists and the current regime in the plantations.” Certainly a fact could not have been expressed with more politeness towards the colonists; nevertheless, this council did not quite retort that this was false, as this would not have been very parliamentary; still, their response said as much, here it is: “Symptoms of agitation still manifest themselves in the colony; but a system based on honesty, active and severe surveillance will be guarantees for our future.” Yet the governor had taken pains to prepare the minds by cleverly flattering the passions of the privileged; the events at Grand’Anse had inspired an address filled with declamations meant to have an impact: “If a few wretches have dared put into effect the despicable projects of the colony’s enemies, by bringing fire and pillage to the town of Grand’Anse, you have seen, sirs, the ardor with which the troops of the garrison rushed to the heart of the insurrection and the prompt repression that resulted from their efforts.” Should not such a judgment have disposed the assembly to leniency?
But here was something else. Mr. Dupotet admitted that “it is the government’s wish to maintain while improving.”
Such colonial heresy could not go uncensored; let us therefore read the colonial council’s response: “No doubt one can maintain while improving; but often measures taken to reach this goal, far from doing so, have disastrous results.” This compliment was not flattering to the power of which the governor is the organ; indeed, it was impossible to give him
23
a more complete certificate of incapacity. Nevertheless, we are not ones to blame the colonists’ independence of language; they are likely mistaken, blinded by partisan spirit, but at least they are honest enough to clearly formulate what it is they want. This makes us comfortable in their presence, for we too walk unmasked. Such are the principal passages from the two addresses, full of idle and banal sentences not making the least impression, at a time when peroration stumbles in the face of truth. ON THE MEN OF COLOR’S ADDRESS TO THE GOVERNOR OF MARTINIQUEThe men of color of Martinique, on the occasion of the events at Grand’Anse and the colonial council’s response to Governor Dupotet’s opening speech, have felt it their duty to protest, in a letter to Mr. Halgan, the accusations levied against them regarding said events. We must tell our brethren frankly, in this they have made a mistake; and counter-admiral Halgan, who refused to receive their address, indeed could not have acted otherwise. Though we do not disapprove of its thinking nor of its foundation, we do however find the general tone of this address to be too servile. Counter-admiral Halgan was far from being one of the lights of the state council, in which he barely ever sat. Everybody in France knows that the title of state counsellor most often does not compel one to do any actual work, and that it is but a reward to a civil servant for his devotion to the ministerial system. In any case, besides, we can only watch with sorrow our brethren in Martinique adopt this overhumble tone which, in our view, so ill becomes free men. What is it that you wanted? That justice be rendered to you? Well! Then you should have demanded it loud and clear from public opinion, as we did for you in the Paris newspapers, not in the courtesan-like style you adopted in your address. What did you expect
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when you threw at your governor all these outrageous compliments about the righteousness and fairness of his character, that he would make himself known by his deeds? How could you judge him before he even functioned?Men of color do not care for the formalities and protocols of the old régime; they must extract themselves from the ditch of hypocritical flattery in which they have fallen; they must accustom themselves to speaking to those they call the grandees and powerful of the country in a decent, respectful language, but without humbling themselves or bending, especially when they are strong in their cause and their right; finally, they must persuade themselves that governors know what to expect from such congratulations and that they fool not one of them, former governor Dupotet included. FIRST OF AUGUST 1834Let us salute in advance this great day, for fear it goes unnoticed by some when it should fill hearts with joy and gratitude. What is the First of August 1834, that we should pay it such attention and on that day surrender to joy and acts of thanksgiving?
What is the First of August 1834, that we should pay it such attention and on that day surrender to joy and acts of thanksgiving?On the First of August 1834 begins a new era for an entire race of men. On that day, those who the night before went to sleep as slaves will wake up free men. From this day on, there will be family ties for those who had no family, rest for those who seemed to be born only for toil, a future for those who had no future, a God for those who had no God. The mother breastfeeding her son shall no longer weep as she thinks of the colonist’s whip, because she will know that the colonist’s whip will not tear her son’s body. When breastfeeding her daughter,
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she shall not cry either, for she will know that laws protect her daughter’s honor. The First of August 1834 shall consecrate the most beautiful triumph a people ever won on itself, the most noble sacrifice selfishness ever made to justice and humanity. It is not simply because England loathes slavery; it is because it drew from its coffers to indemnify slave masters, that its colonies’ slaves will be free in a few days. Let us rejoice at the freedom of slaves and the generosity of a people who buys them in order to make them free. The English Society for the abolition of slavery understands the kind of joy such a day calls for; it has just published a call meant to excite in its compatriots a holy glee:The true celebration of such an event is in hearty and united thanksgiving to God for his marvelous achievement, and prayer that he will bless the work, bless the givers, bless the receivers, and make it a source of blessing to the oppressed and afflicted throughout the world.Let, then the 1st of August,1834, be employed by those who have taken part in the great work, to the service and praise of God; let it be a day of lifting up our hear to him–a day of exertions for promoting the religious instruction of those who are on that day called into a new state of being, and for craving the outpouring of the multitudes who having so long been enthralled by the wickedness of man are at length delivered by the arm of God.
Some may think that this great work was accomplished by the act of man; some will ascribe it to one body, and some to another; but we trust that our friends, now that the conflict of party has ceased, and the cloud raised around us by the passions of man has been dispersed, will unite in acknowledging the signal providence of Almighty God, who has, from the beginning to the end been the true DOER of the glorious work; originating in the hearts of its advocates,–lifting it
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over the all but insurmountable obstacles of its early days–, setting at nought the counsels alike of friends and foes,–providing means, providing instruments, unexpected, diverse, conflicting, yet under the skilful guidance of the DIVINE HAND, all urging forward to the same conclusion, and from the chaos of confusion, the battle of irreconcilable opinions, bringing us to the incredible consummation of Emancipation in peace, in harmony, in safety, in congratulation and acquiescence on all sides.[1]Such is the language which generous men who have worked with most perseverance and zeal toward the abolition of slavery in the English colonies address to their compatriots. They want praise only for God!To what extent can we join in their jubilation? Can there be joy when consciousness accuses?Why are slaves’ fetters falling in the English colonies before we have even considered making them lighter in the French colonies? For half a century, thousands, and then millions of voices have risen in England to ask God and men for the abolition of slavery, while in France there were to demand the emancipation of negroes but a few isolated voices that could only make themselves heard at long intervals and soon tired of it. Compassion has not entered the hearts, and narrow selfishness made people think only of those ills they themselves suffered from, when they should have cried with all who cry. Faith, the powerful motive that moved this mountain and threw it in the sea, appears to our compatriots a useless tool which they do not want to wield, and this is why their efforts yield so little. Ah! Let us not remain in the rear of other populations when such triumphs are at stake; and since the First of August 1834 must be for us a day of humiliation as well as a day of thanksgiving, let us resolve to do all that depends on us so that the day comes when we can say, like our neighbors, that there are no more slaves in the countries to which our empire extends!(Le Semeur July 25)
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France.PARIS.CASE OF MR. BOITEL VS MR. CICERONMAGISTRATE’S COURT–SIXTH CHAMBER, JUSTICE BOSQUILLON DE FONTENAYHearing of July 26Mr. Cicéron, solicitor in Martinique, has published a pamphlet dated 1832 and entitled: Petition to the king, the nation and the chambers, on the unconstitutionality of the current form of colonial representation. Mr. Boitel, who served as a civil administrator in this colony, having noticed in this pamphlet instances of libel directed against his person, summoned Mr. Cicéron to the sixth chamber. Mr. Bethmon, esq. had already appeared at two previous hearings on Mr. Cicéron’s behalf and had obtained an adjournment. Today, Mr. Moulin, instead of Mr. Bethmon who could not appear, read the conclusions in which he reveals that whereas the pamphlet was published in November 1832; whereas it was only in January 1834 that the summons were issued; whereas the six months statute of limitation set by the law of May 26, 1819 was more than reached, and whereas these facts are therefore prescribed as far as public prosecution is concerned, therefore a civil lawsuit can only be introduced in a civil tribunal. Per these conclusions, the magistrate’s court declares itself incompetent. Mr. RABOU, esq., Mr. Boitel’s attorney, first expressed his surprise at witnessing such an incident. Is it not strange, bearing witness to the pretentiousness of an opponent who, summoned in court to answer for his writings, endures the weariness of a long crossing, travels one thousand eight hundred leagues only to tell his judges: “I do not accept your jurisdiction.
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I come in haste from Martinique to tell you that I will faster yet go plead in Martinique.”
How surprising must such a system appear to us, added the defender, when we take a look at the title and nature of this prevention! What!, Mr Cicéron circulated around Paris a libel in which he seeks to harm my client’s character; he has come to disturb the retreat of a man of honor who had never given him any cause for complaint, and when we ask him for a just reparation for the prejudice he has caused, he hides behind exceptions and refusals! In truth, this was not worth the trip. Mr. FERDINAND BARROT, king’s attorney, declares that even if Mr. Cicéron had not invoked prescription, he would himself had done so, as it appears to be in the interest of public order. M. RABOU.--I see that I have two opponents in my case; but I believe its resources sufficient for me to enlighten the court. The attorney argues that, supposing that indeed public action was extinguished by the six months statute of limitation, civil action would nevertheless be introduced in a magistrate’s court as, according to the terms set by the law of May 26, 1819, such action can only be prescribed counting three years after publication.Mr. THE KING’S ATTORNEY counter-argued that from the moment public action was extinguished, civil action could no longer be brought to a magistrate’s court but must be brought to a civil court instead.Mr. BOITEL, thinking he had noticed in the exposition of motives developed by the king’s attorney a moral appreciation interpreting the parties’ respective situations, stands in opposition to this incident. He makes known to the court that the date of the summons addressed to Mr. Cicéron is that of the reparation offered by Mr. Desgaut, his attorney-in-fact, and that the meeting that ensued was a presumption justifying the delay in taking the case to court. Mr. FERDINAND BARROT thinks that his words were misinterpreted by Mr. Boitel; he declares that, as a law officer and
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a man, he meant no acrimony; that, to the contrary, he had no other desire than to do away, if possible, with the hatred seemingly animating both parties. The court, having long deliberated in the council’s chamber, rendered the following judgment: Whereas, in law, civil action for the reparation of harm done through of offense can only be brought to a magistrate’s court secondarily to public action;Whereas it follows that when public action is extinguished by statute of limitation, civil action can no longer be brought to correctional jurisdiction;Whereas according to the terms of article 20 of the law of May 26, 1819, public action against crimes and offenses of libel are prescribed after six months;Qu'ainsi l'action publique se trouvait alors prescrite ;That public action was therefore prescribed; through these motives, therefore, the court declares public action resulting from the pamphlet in question extinguished by prescription; refers civil action to the judges who may be concerned, and sentences Mr. Boitel to pay for legal expenses. On leaving the hearing, Mr. Boitel and his lawyer went to a solicitor’s to have Mr. Cicéron summoned to the civil chamber of the district court of the Seine. No matter the court’s decision, Mr. Cicéron having stepped back from public debates on the background of the case, Mr. Boitel won this suit on moral grounds. MISCELLANEOUSM. de Saint-Simon, peer of France, was named governor of the French establishments in India.– M. le général Drouet d'Erlon was named governor of AlgiersAlgiers.– M. Eugène Saint-Quantin, auditor-counsellor at the royal court of French GuianaFrench Guiana, was named in the same position in Guadeloupe Guadeloupe, replacing Mr. Juston, replacing Mr. Juston, whose resignation was accepted.M. DalicanM. Dalican, auditor-judge at the district court of
30
Pointe-à-Pitre
(GuadeloupeGuadeloupe), was named auditor-counsellor at the royal court of Guiana, Guiana, replacing Mr. Saint
Quantin.Mr. Baradat, lawyer, was named auditor-judge at the district court of Pointe-à-Pitre, replacing
Mr. Dalican.Mr. Tilliard, counsellor at the royal court of
Pondichéry, was named royal prosecutor to the district court of Chandernagor, en
remplacing Mr. Limeray-Beauchamps.Mr. Victor-Charles Moreau, royal judge at the district court of Pondichéry, was named counsellor at the royal court of
Pondichery, replacing Mr.
Filliard.Mr. Limeray-Beauchamps, royal prosecutor at the court of
Chandernagor, was named royal judge at the district court of Pondichéry, replacing
Mr. Nozat.- Mr. Abbé Roux was named prefect apostolic at Bourbon IslandBourbon Island, replacing
Abbé Pastre, who resigned.– Marshal Gérard was named minister of War and President of the Council, replacing Marshal
Soult, who resigned.- Mr. Mollien, Consul-General at HaitiHaiti, was called to the consulate of the island of
CubaCuba. Mr. DavidMr. David, Consul of
FranceFrance in Sant-lago of
CubaSant-lago of
Cuba, was called to the consulate at Havana,
remplacing Mr. Guillemin, deceased.- We learn that during this session, several deputies will question the ministers of the Navy and of Foreign Affairs on a very important matter: the decrees forbidding entry into the States of the Union and the island of CubaCuba to French citizens of color.
This conversation promises to be curious, in the presence of those delegates of colonial aristocracy who are members of the chamber of deputies. We believe we can assure in advance that one of these gentlemen will remain faithful to the principles of justice and equity he has always supported. The other, the representative of la
Martiniquela
Martinique's aristrocracy, will also remain faithful to his principles, and in this will be in perfect agreement with the retrograde men who gave him a mandate to represent them.
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- The king’s ordinance, dated July 22nd, states that the governors of French colonies will communicate yearly to the ministry of the Navy a list of convicts, free and enslaved, noted for their good behavior and diligence in labor, who seem susceptible to obtain a letter of pardon or commutation.– Mr. Ch. DupinMr. Ch. Dupin’s competition in the election of a delegate for the aristocracy of MartiniqueMartinique, was Mr.
BerryerMr.
Berryer. This Legitimist deputy was supported by Messrs.
Villarson, Feuardent-Desculleville,
Perrinelle fils, Mauny and other men with retrograde ideas, all members of the colonial council of
Martinique
Martinique. Mr. Ch. DupinMr. Ch. Dupin was named by the aristocratic party, who call the followers of Villarson et al. oligarchs.– On the topic of HaitiHaiti and the path taken by its government, we expect to receive authentic and positive documents that we will rush to the printing press. It is important to know where civilization, freedom and the Enlightenment stand in this Republic of men of color. Everything concerning this country is of the greatest interest to us; this is why we quote the following letter:“To The Editor of the Courrier français.Paris, July 22d 1831.“Sir,Having arrived fromHaitiHaiti three days ago, I have had the opportunity, while perusing the run for the month of June, to see inserted in your issue of the 22d an article published in the
Journal du Havre on the 19th,
in which a certain Mr. Grimard, at the head of the Courrier du Brésil, stated
that a few days before his departure from Cap Haïtien, it was said , that
that Secretary General Inginac, had been given leave, having incurred the President’s disgrace for ignoring an act of contraband recently committed for an English trading house’s profit.Certainly, no worse motive could have been imagined to try and thus cast to the winds the news of General Inginac’s purported disgrace. But the human mind is so inventive! Nowadays, making an impression brings such joy that there would be no surprise
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in seeing some young ship captain arriving from HaitiHaiti announce news of General Inginac's disgrace
and assign it the first motive they can think of. What is true, is that when he does leave the position he was trusted with, and which he has fulfilled with dignity, it will never be because of deeds contrary to HaitiHaiti's' interests and glory.I will not respond to the accusation levied against my father that he has proved the most dedicated opponent to treaties between
FranceFrance and HaitiHaiti, because, as a public man, he owes explanations of his deeds only to his country; still, I cannot but point out that it would be strangely unreasonable not to realize that
General Inginac only appreciates too well the benefits that peaceful and definitive relations between the the Republicthe Republic and FranceFrance
would create for HaitiHaiti not to wish for the end of negotiations that have been going for nine years, and whose solution is of such eminent interest to the prosperity of the Haitian nation.I like to believe, Sir, that you will be so kind as to allow my letter in your esteemable newspaper.Sincerely, etc.D. INGINAC.””ENGLAND. - Lord MelbourneLord Melbournewas named Prime Minister, replacing lord Grey, who resigned.- We read in the Standard: ““This being the day on which slavery is to terminate in the
West Indies, a grand dinner in commemoration of the event will be given at the Freemason’s Tavern, at which the Earl
of Mulgrave is to preside. Very many young persons also, we understand, have selected this day, in preference to all others, for being joined together in holy matrimony.”” - We read the following in the Sun: ““We learn that the people in several parts of the kingdom have prepared to celebrate this day as a public festival, and the intelligence has given us great satisfaction. But whether the celebration of it begin this year or the next, certain are we that the descendants of the British people will regard it as the proudest memento of England’s munificence.””
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(SUPPLEMENT)
COLONIES FRANÇAISES.MARTINIQUE.MARTINIQUE.We receive this letter from the town of Trinité :““Mr. Bardel, captain of a militia company in Martinique Martinique, encounters Mr.
Igout, colonist, formerly a merchant at
Trinité, who looks for trouble with him, insults him and threatens him with his stick. The reason is that Mr. Bardel
was probably in a bad mood. Mr. Igout, who because of his age and infirmities can not punish this insolent provocation on his own, flees the promised blows.
But Mr. Frotté, man of color and natural son of this merchant, present at the scene, cannot contain his indignation, and takes his father’s side. Should he not be blamed had he remained a cowardly, passive spectator to the outrage addressed to the white hair of the author of his days? Mr. Bardel challenges Mr. Frotté to a duel. The latter asks
Mr. Eudoxie Sugnin, his friend, to agree with his opponent’s witnesses on the mode and conditions of their combat. Thanks to the firm but conciliatory intervention of Mr.
Sugnin, the affair is amicably settled, with no cost to Mr. Frotté's honor. Yet, by not selling short his friend’s dignity, Mr. Sugnin
incurred Mr. Bardel's, grudge, who only waited for an opportunity to satisfy it: it presented itself quickly.
A review of the national guard takes place, which Mr. Sugnin does not attend.
Captain Bardel issues an order for Mr. Sugnin to spend 48 hours in the police room; ; the order is approved by Commander Commissar Mr. Caffie, who also holds personal animosity against
Mr. Sugnin. (We apologize that limited space does not allow us to copy in full this curious piece). Note that at least a third of the company led by Mr. Bardel was missing the review, and that only Mr. Sugnin was punished. The story above explains this selective severity.
Let us add that
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Mr. Sugnin is an ardent and devoted patriot. To the arbitrary punishment inflicted on him by Mr.
Bardel's whim, was added a no less arbitrary and much more odious surplus of rigor: Mr. Sugnin having complained about the arbitrary detention, a complaint to the superior authorities of the colony was filed against him; and on the governor’s orders, he was taken by the gendarmerie of Trinité the so-called Redoute-Bouillé citadel at
Fort-Royal, where he was kept in a dungeon for six days. During his detention, Mr. Sugnin, cruelly tormented by hunger, was denied food, because it had been ordered that he could not even communicate with his parents. Only thanks to the pity of the soldiers of the garrison guarding the citadel did he receive any victuals.
"”Is this not arbitrariness given free reins? Missing a review becomes an offense punishable with 48 hour detention, and then, through a superior order, six days in a dungeon! A captain takes it upon himself to declare this first sentence, and to add starvation to it! A commander approves, a governor tolerates it, what disgusting defilement! In truth, reading or hearing such things makes you think you’re dreaming, and your jaw might drop, did you not recall that such facts and many others whose account we spare our readers have occurred in one of our colonies, traditional land of arbitrariness and oppression. Are not these facts evidence of the necessity to quickly reorganize the colonial militias? In our next issue, we will examine the issues of rights they naturally evoke.
-Saint-Pierre, June 2d.Today the proceedings in the affair of
Grand'Anse. The most perfect tranquility reigns in town. Since this morning, a considerable number of soldiers have been stationed around the government palace where the assizes are taking place. Mr. Auguste
Eugénie, accused in absentia in the affair of Grand’Anse, had escaped the investigations of justice by going abroad; he has just appeared in the city of
Saint-Pierre. Saint-Pierre. His friends were at pains to convince him to leave the colony: they demonstrated it was not prudent for him to
35
be judged at a time when passions were so roiled; that he should better await the judgment in absentia, even if he should present himself later to be judged contradictorily. Auguste Eugénie finally decided to leave the colony again and go abroad. GUADELOUPE.GUADELOUPE.We receive the following from la Pointe-à-Pitre :“Arbitrariness remains the order of the day in our colony; local authorities act as if in a conquered land, allowing one to stay and exiling the other, according to their whim. At the slightest suspicion, a citizen will be hunted down, abducted, deported.
Several discussions having taken place between a young white man named
Romager-the Incorrigible, and
Santz, a young man of color, the mayor and director of the interior ordered Mrs. Santz
to make her son leave the colony post haste, lest she wanted him arrested and deported by order of the government. Young
Santz left for HaitiHaiti.
Can citizens’ freedom be flaunted ever more brazenly!”-Basse-Terre, May 27th.- The way things are going, we can say without fear of being mistaken, that events such as those that took place in Grand-Anse (MartiniqueMartinique) will happen again, and before long, either here or in Martinique Martinique,
because aristocracy demands victims, and only among us. Today more than ever, local government does not seek at all to unite the divided classes.BOURBON.BOURBON.While in MartiniqueMartinique and
Guadeloupe
Guadeloupe the colonial aristocracy removes the funds allocated to the budget for public instruction, votes for the removal of mutual schools created by the government, under Mr. d'ArgoutMr. d'Argout’s tenure at the ministry of the Navy, and demands the status quo on the condition for slaves be maintained, in BourbonBourbon a colonist of the class we call aristocratic published a pamphlet entitled:
Prospectus for a society of encouragement and emulation for the improvement of the fate of slaves, public instruction, agriculture and the industrial arts.
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Mr. Henri Maingard, the author, proposes that in each quarter of Bourbon IslandBourbon Island be established a society of encouragement, composed of the quarter’s electors. Its goal would be to spread primary education, the best methods of agriculture, in one word, to receive and share all notions useful to all classes of the community. Anyone who has witnessed the pleasing effect of associations can judge in advance how beneficial this one would be.
Here are a few excerpts that irresistibly demonstrate the necessity of societies of encouragement:“"Where is public spirit on our island? We are unknown to each other; we live in isolation, our talents are buried, our virtues ignored!What are the consequences of the absence of all that gives value and charm to social life? Every foreigner who finds fortune in this land cannot leave it soon enough; love for the homeland does not always resist the disgust of a monotonous life stripped of all that binds man to the soil. How have we come to such a sad state? In short, we are deprived of the institutions at the source of social wellbeing. Yet what land is more apt to receive institutions of public interest than ours? Our fertile soil and its much sought-after products could easily make comfort reign among us. We have proven that we hold no deep-rooted prejudice. Our intelligent population, enlightened by the reflections European civilization broadcasts from 4000 leagues away, strides towards improvement. It knows its ills, points them out, and demands that they be remedied."”GUIANA.Mr. Persegol, president of the royal court of
Guiana, has just received the wages of the noble independence he demonstrated in his report to the Minister of the Navy on the case of Mr. Vidal de Lingendes et
Mr. Pontevès. After facing unwarranted criticism, this honorable magistrate resigned from his positions as member of the colonial council and president of the court.
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Mr. V. Vidal de Lingendes,
attorney general, replaced him in the colonial council.SENEGAL.the presence of English and French cruisers, the slave trade is still practiced all along the coast of Guinea. The Portuguese and the Spaniards engage in this odious traffic more than any others. Two slave traders from these nations were recently captured, but it will be very difficult to prevent cupidity from eluding the law if other governments do not sincerely second
FranceFrance
and l'Angleterre.ALGIERS.ALGIERS.The following is written about this colony:“The tribe of Beni-Moussa, who live in the mountains, request that their neighbors relinquish the murderer of
Aliben-Louié, who died from a severe injury. He most likely will not be delivered; therefore both parties are preparing for combat. In a different section, a fermentation is currently growing among the tribes in our vicinity, warning signs of which we have seen at the last market in
Boufarick
. The Arabs, who are independent and wary by nature, want neither to be chased after nor pressed, and every time we visit them, while we must generate confidence, we must also be backed by force, the only power they will bow to for years to come. We speak also of faraway coalitions; it is the season, but without nationality, without union, such a knot would as soon be broken as tied, and our weapons be useless to us. Besides, and despite these setbacks we encounter here and there, we have gained considerably in this regard and never since the beginning of the occupation have our affairs been better.
Trade relations between our garrison in
Bougie et les Kabyles des environs. and the local Kabyles have started. They will lead to peace much faster and more safely than our weapons, and we shall do everything in our power to encourage them. The fever in Bone
is already much less deadly this year than it was in previous years. Sick people in
AlgiersAlgiers,
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number barely above 1,200 and, despite the heat, this number remains below all predictions.Construction at the Douera camp, at the
Mole and in rue de la Marine is in full swing.”We read in le Cernéen, a newspaper published in Port-Louis (
Mauritius) :“"There is talk of introducing 10,000 Indians in this colony. The measure was proposed by a great economist, a man of many projects, with an Indian prince as a financial backer. Word has it that it is bound to be approved by the government and, moreover, by the Port-Louis chamber of commerce. It is also said that, just as the Spaniards once united to expel the Moors from their country, today the Moors join hands to bring Indians in our country. These Indians shall be accompanied and commanded by sepoys, chosen among the troops of the East India Company. These commanders will be allowed to wear their uniforms and other decorations, under the condition that none awaken the frightening memory of the volunteers.The planters who will hire these Indians shall be compelled to provide them three meals a day; moreover, they will give them a wage of seven rupees a month, an amount that would seem too high, did we not consider that the inhabitants of Mauritius having to incessantly suffer the competition of Indians in the production of sugar, it must not matter to them to give seven rupees along with food, when in Bengal they give but three rupees without victuals.the signal for disorder and laziness for negroes, in short that free labor replace forced labor by means of a reasonable salary. Within the limits of the act of Parliament, this is the goal toward which must tend all local legislative combinations, and on their relative success will depend the more or less flourishing fate of the colony, as well as the maintenance of the prices of securities and property values in the land.Impressed by, and in fear of, this thought, free negroes take up laboring habits only with difficulty, and offer big plantations but a very precarious resource, so that some people have been considering bringing workers from India, and try again an experience already attempted unsuccessfully, it is true, but which failed so badly perhaps because it was not undertaken properly and judiciously. The main obstacle encountered, which indeed still appears very difficult to overcome, is to obtain from individuals, once transported onto our soil, that they carry out the labor commitment they contracted in their country. Experience has demonstrated that our laws in this regard are insufficient, or did not even contain dispositions that might apply. Would it be possible to establish a law that would perfectly achieve this goal and will the local authority be willing to lend itself to, and participate in its adoption? Such is, it seems to us, the preliminary question that must be asked and resolved before any prudent speculator ventures to undertake such an enterprise.As to such a law, that might guarantee both contracting parties the faithful fulfillment of their commitments, one would have to study the subject more than we have, and especially know better the habits, mores and even prejudice of those Indian castes with which it would be proper to deal, to realize whether it is possible to establish it and make it efficient. But, if necessary, there are people here who are capable of providing the exact notions and information sufficient on this point, and it would only be a matter of consulting them. As to the assent or participation of the government, once the first point resolved favorably, as we assume it should be and already is, designed as it is to do all that might contribute to
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périté du pays, nous ne voyons pas quelles seraient les objections qui
the prosperity of the land, we cannot see what objections could stop it. We point out, however, that more than just the authority’s acquiescence and consent, its material support and active participation will also be needed. Without such certainty, we say it again, it seems unlikely that anyone should want to risk their funds in an attempt of this nature which previously, and partly for this very reason, was so unsuccessful.We will go further and say that, were these points conceded, it would still be proper to proceed in this enterprise with all possible circumspection. Thus, it would probably be best undertaken by a company of underwriters using common funds rather than by a single individual. It would not be difficult to find a plantation which has been abandoned for lack of manpower, but where factories remain that can function without major repairs. There could be assigned the number of Indians its exploitation demands; and, neglecting none of the means dictated by a wise economy and good administration, the results obtained after some time could serve as a term of comparison and proof of the success or failure of the experiment. This idea occurs to us because we see in every country that it is by such means of association that the most difficult and most hazardous entreprises are undertaken, that would otherwise be beyond the strength of one single individual, or in which he would not want to risk sums that might jeopardize his fortune were they to fail. Thus, in India, it is through share subscription that regular communication between BengalBengal and
Europe by way of steamships crossing the isthmus of Suez is being established. At the Cape,
similar means are used to finance the exploration of the interior of Africa; in
Sainte-Helena, a joint-stock company was founded dedicated to whaling, whales abounding in the surroundings. Everywhere industry develops through such means, and though we have but the merit of imitation, would it not be a great fault on our part to neglect it?
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Until 1829, the local government owned 1294 slaves and 2010 apprentices. They have since freed a number of them. Wondering how many remained, we have tried to find information on this topic. But to our great surprise, we have found out that recent instructions recommend to most rigorously keep secret all administrative matters, including the most trivial. Thus the statistical details that are always provided with zeal by the governments of Europe (even Russia and Prussia) to writers and publicists, are in Mauritius
more occult than the mysteries of Isis. The layman must know nothing of them: the rabble is only good for paying and remaining silent. Still, we cannot but express our surprise that when Parliament proclaims universal emancipation, the government still owns slaves. They will say such are necessary to run the different administrative services: as workers for the civil engineer, as couriers for the police. Very well, then! We are easy to please, as long as we are given some reason. Let the government keep its slaves until it can replace them with free employees.
But the apprentices! It has no use for them. Every customs collector has indentured them out to his friends, or to protegees of power, some for 14 years, others for 7. Certainly there can only be a few whose time has not expired. What then prevents them from enjoying the freedom guaranteed them by law? Oh! It is that most have been placed with government employees who find it very convenient to have good servants for 2 piasters a month. But that is illegal and unfair to these poor people. Enemies of all forms of oppression, we are not afraid to raise our voices in their favor. They all know a trade and are capable of earning a living: their masters, in receiving them, vowed to teach them. Once free, they should be no burden to society and should make a peaceful living of their industry. Should they misbehave, repressive laws exist for them and other freedmen. May they therefore be released, at the risk of letting Mr. So-and-so take expensive domestic workers in their stead."”
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GRENADA. A letter from Saint-Georges tells us:“"Everyone is making preparations for the big change that must occur on the First of August. Even those who until now had shown themselves the warmest supporters of slavery, seeing their cupidity satisfied in the part they shall receive of the twenty million pounds sterling of indemnity allocated them by England, now seem delighted to no longer bear the title of slave owners."”TORTOLA.In this English possession, they did not wait for the date fixed by the bill to proclaim the freedom of negroes. The inhabitants, understanding all that this law contains of high morality, hastened to enforce it.DEMERARAIn the English colonies, reason triumphs more every day over the odious and ridiculous skin prejudice. In Demerara,
an establishment neighboring French GuianaFrench Guiana, the bill
abolishing slavery only drew the different classes of the population closer together: all distinction of color has entirely disappeared. According to the account of a traveler recently arrived in this colony, people of color, contrary to creoles, occupy liberal professions that were until now unjustly forbidden to them; they are allowed to become officers in the militias, and it seems that the English government, which without much resistance joins in the progress of civilization, will one day or the other allow them to hold public office. This equitable measure would complete the entire fusion of the two classes. At a ball given by the governor of Demerara, a great number of ladies of color stood out by their wit and education to this same traveler. In general, in English possessions, the colored class has understood that the most efficient means for them to reach a perfect, and
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real equality among the population in the colonies, was to indulge in the study of science and letters, and thus put themselves in a state to compete with the white class. This is a model we cannot but recommend to the attention of our brethren in the French colonies.CUBACUBAActs of piracy have been committed in the vicinity of Honduras and Nicaragua (New Spain). Two suspicious ships of Spanish make were recently spotted sailing near Carthagena, along a ship believed to be French, which they probably captured. The government of Jamaica sent a few war sloops in pursuit.The slave trade occurs in the open in Havana, despite the dangers those who engage in it should face. Last April, a slaver having dropped sail on the West coast of Saint Domingue, some of the slaves broke their fetters, seized weapons, and after a terrible melee during which the crew was beaten, they took over the ship, which soon sunk. Those negroes who did not drown were welcome in Saint-Domingue. Five or six sailors escaped to Cuba.CANADAWe read the following observations on Canada’s political customs in the Journal de la Marine:“n Canada, women have the privilege to vote in elections the same as men. In the last elections, where
Colonel Baley was nominated to the legislature, as there was competition between
Mr. Litte et Mr. Wilkinson, no fewer than thirty-five ladies attended the hustings to cast a vote in his favor. These ladies were widows or Misses. It was noted that only one married woman voted, probably encouraged by the others. However, it often happens that the wife will vote one way and the husband the other, in the same or different elections, following the rights granted them through property. In the month of May 1832, there was a contest to the Montreal election, which lasted about
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a month, during which two hundred and twenty-five women voted. One of the candidates was an Irishman; ninety-five ladies voted for him. The other gentleman was Mr.
Stanlez-Bagg, citizen of the États-UnisÉtats-Unis,
naturalized in Canada;a hundred and four women voted for him. The other twenty-six women who showed up did not use their political rights. On this occasion, several ladies took a party contrary to that which their husbands had embraced; the latter did not mind.”CPROCESSION FOR THE YOUNG PAVILLON.On July 25, we attended the funeral service for Sainte-Cour
Pavillon, of GuadeloupeGuadeloupe, Sainte-Cour Pavillon of Guadeloupe, a student at Henri IV high school who gave much promise. A great number of people of color attended this ceremony. The presence of a delegation of young European schoolmates of Pavillon.
Un jeune camarade de Pavillon, Mr.
Dorville-Jouannet, man of color, law student, uttered the following words at his friend’s grave:
“"So it is done, dear Pavillon; merciless Death has placed her frozen hand on your sixteen year-old brow. Barely did she allow an interval between your cradle and your grave. You came to FranceFrance
seeking the instruction that shall bring emancipation to men of color, and after a ten-year stay, as you were finishing rhetorics, as you were about to start a career whose usefulness is recognized by all, cruel Death stopped you. Pity be upon you, unfortunate compatriot, if, as we believe, your heart beat for your brethren! If sometimes you blushed with indignation thinking of the horrible yoke that weighs upon your miserable class! It would have been so sweet for you to contribute to the renewal of your country, to make it worthy of the nineteenth century, to make it renounce the stupid and barbaric prejudice of the past! Then, you could have died; but today is too soon!
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What words of comfort shall we have your father hear? What shall we tell your people, this aunt who could have made you forget your mother, if a mother could be forgotten? Ah! Descend a while from the abode of departed souls, and dictate for us the words that might temper their pain, for this task is beyond our powers.Adieu! Rest in peace, dear Pavillon, and for lack of your native land, may the French earth be light upon thee!Adieu! Adieu forever!”BIOGRAPHY.M. CABASSE.Mr. Prosper Cabasse, former attorney general to the royal court of GuadeloupeGuadeloupe, n'intéresse les colonies que
s of interest to the colonies solely for the role he played there during the Restoration, notably in the infamous trial of the men of color from Martinique. Martinique.Mr. Prosper Cabasse is a living example of what weakness allied to ambition can do. Without precisely possessing a vile and evil soul, with an easy and soft temperament, nevertheless this man, so eager to succeed, embraced with warmth the cause of the restored Bourbons and made himself into the humble servant of the counter-revolutionary reaction they ordered.A small lawyer living in obscurity in Aix, he wanted to become someone; he so stridently showed off his love for this family of public enemies that had imposed foreign bayonets onto FranceFrance
spoke so often and so loudly of his royalism, that the small lawyer became a magistrate. Mr. Cabasse was president of the criminal court of Toulon
when selected jurors condemned to death Captain
Vallée, this hero who died with all the courage and composure of a martyr to freedom. Mr. Cabasse owed to this circumstance to be noticed by his superiors and noted as a zealous man who should be promoted. He also owed it, according to public opinion, the
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shiny red ribbon he wears on his lapel. Mr.
Cabasse will argue that there is a mistake and that this is not why he received this decoration. That may well be; but, as he does not deny that he was decorated after the sentencing of Vallée,
public opinion greatly presumes. It is said on this topic that not long after this, one of his friends, having come across Cabasse as he wore the red ribbon, grabbed him by his lapel, and with a snarky tone greeted him with the Latin word vale.
In 1826, this magistrate was put in direct contact with the colonies. Named attorney general to GuadeloupeGuadeloupe by
Minister Chabrol, Mr.
Cabasse, having courted the powerful in Paris, went to
Brest, Brest, where a frigate of the royal navy was waiting for him.
Mr. BissetteMr. Bissette, Mr. FabienMr. Fabien et
Mr. VolnyMr. Volny, the great propagandists, were detained in it. Mr. Cabasse was to be their accuser. They wrote an address to him in order to enlighten him and, having asked the new attorney general for a reply, he, taking already the airs of a grandee so well fitting his new position, cavalierly sent his footman to tell them he had received their letter.After landing in MartiniqueMartinique and exchanging with the most influential members of the colonial aristocracy there, the new attorney general arrived in January 1827 at the seat of his jurisdiction.On March 27, 1827, the case of Messrs. BissetteMessrs. Bissette,
FabienFabien et VolnyVolny came to the royal court of
GuadeloupeGuadeloupe. Mr. Cabasse, supported the accusation with a long indictment written in the dragging, florid style replete with classical reminiscences so typical of mediocre lawyers, the scourge of auditors and the punishment of bad judges. To say that he did so relentlessly and passionately would be unfair. It was worse: coldly, emotionlessly, he spoke for three hours. After flattering the prejudices of the colonial aristocracy and striving to create culprits where there only were men who used their rights against bold dominators; after invoking royal ordinances two centuries old, and quoting from Moulins’s ordinance these terrible words: “whosoever posts or circulates seditious or libelous pamphlets will be hanged and strangled until dead;” and these no less horrible words from the ordinance of January 1629:
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“"Whosoever writes, prints, presents for sale, publishes or distributes books, pamphlets or writings libelous or insulting will be hanged and strangled until dead"” ; he concluded mildly, contrary to the law and as if frightened by the odious consequences of his own requisitory against Mr. Bissette,
requesting ten years of exile. Guilty or innocent, there was no other alternative: if guilty, the hideous application of the text of the ordinance he had invoked–death –should have been requested; if innocent, Bissette should have been acquitted. The middle ground Mr. Cabasse sought, outside of the formal provisions of the law, was invented only to bring about a conviction; it would have been too revolting to sentence a man to death for circulating what these gentlemen called a pamphlet; they would not have dared.
Mr. Cabasse’s mezzo-termine allowed them to satisfy the evil passions of their Martinique Martinique colleagues; but motivating a decision contrary to the law was going to be difficult. This is why it took the judges five hours to deliver their verdict. No sooner was Mr. Bissette sentenced that, by one of those turns that become the character of those men who would please everyone, Mr. Cabasse paid a visit to the exile in his prison at ten in the evening, and strove to impart on him the softness of his conviction, telling him not to resent him, that he could not do better; living in France was not too hard, and he begged him to have regard for his good intentions. As one might imagine, Mr. Bissette showed very little gratitude to the attorney general for his visit, inspired as it evidently was by his fear of metropolitan opinion.The attorney general’s conduct in this affair was full of bad faith and weakness; he went as far as to unseal letters sent from Paris to the defendants by their lawyer, letters registered to himself. The servant of the elevated classes–that is the whites–, as he called them in his indictment, he served no less civil servants who should have followed his orders. The police commissioner, Hercule-Petit-Lolo,an inept man and henchman of the aristocracy of the skin, transgressed and even tore up his orders when they went against the passions of the dominators, and the attorney general let it happen, humiliating himself in the face of this subaltern agent’s
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will. Thus the parents and friends of the inmates, despite the authorization signed by the attorney general, were several times refused entrance into the prison, because it so pleased this police commissioner not to let them inside. The just complaints made by prisoners to the attorney general about the ill treatment they received always remained unanswered. This is the way this man behaved in the exercise of his ministry, joining laziness to the spirit of injustice and servility. To cite but one fact:
Mr. Bisette having requested release on bail so he could see his family and settle his affairs before leaving, governor
Desrotours and even the colonist judges who had sentenced him consented to it: Mr. Cabasse alone opposed it.
On his return to France in 1829, he was named attorney general in Limoges. Then came the July Revolution. Mr. Cabasse felt tremors in his public accuser’s seat. A lover of his position before all, he addressed the new minister to be kept in it, and in support of his request, he had the inconceivable idea to produce his famous indictment as a testimony of his moderation.
But the friends of the deportees from MartiniqueMartinique,
surrounding the virtuous DupontDupont from the Eure, proved they had memory: Mr. Cabasse was dismissed.He has since sought a new position in vain, trying even to be reappointed in the colonies. We cannot imagine there will ever be a minister of the Navy indecent enough to send him back. Rejected from public office, Mr. Cabasse has become an agent for the pope and for the Legitimist party; it is said that he schemes for the Holy See. May God hold him in his holy glory!
IMPRIMERIE D'HERHAN, 580, RUE SAINT-DENIS.
Revue ColonialeRevue ColonialeThe Revue Coloniale, was an ephemeral monthly periodical, printed in Paris during the year 1838. Its founder Édouard Bouvet and editor Rosemond Beauvallon conceived of it on the model of many similar, contemporaneous publications reporting on political and economic questions of interest to white colonists while also attending to arts and literature, as attested by the journal’s complete title: Revue Coloniale. intérêts des colons : marine, commerce, littérature, beaux-arts, théâtres, modes. In the December 1838 issue of the Revue des Colonies, Cyrille Bissette acknowledges the Revue Coloniale as both an ideological opponent and a competitor in the print market.Fondée par Édouard Bouvet et dirigée par Rosemond Beauvallon, la Revue Coloniale, sous-titrée intérêts des colons : marine, commerce, littérature, beaux-arts, théâtres, modes, souscrit au modèle des revues destinées aux propriétaires coloniaux, rendant compte de l'actualité politique et économique des colonies tout en ménageant une place aux contenus littéraires, culturels et mondains. Dans le numéro de décembre 1838 de la Revue des Colonies, Cyrille Bissette reconnaît en la Revue Coloniale tant un adversaire idéologique qu'un concurrent dans le paysage médiatique.Le Moniteur universelLe Moniteur universelLe Moniteur universel, often simply referred to as the “Le Moniteur” is one of the most frequently referenced nineteenth-century French newspapers. An important cultural signifier, it was referenced frequently in other publications, in fiction, and likely in contemporary discussions. Its title, derived from the verb monere, meaning to warn or advise, gestures at Enlightenment and Revolutionary ideals of intelligent counsel.Initially, Le Moniteur universel was merely a subtitle of the Gazette Nationale, established in 1789 by Charles-Joseph Panckouke, who also published Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie. Only in 1811 that the subtitle officially ascended to title.The Moniteur had become the official voice of the consular government in 1799. Under the Empire, it gained the privilege of publishing government acts and official communications, effectively becoming the Empire's primary propaganda outlet. However, its role was not confined to this function. It survived various political regimes, including the Revolution and the death of Panckouke in 1798. Its longevity can be attributed to its adaptability, with its successive iterations reflecting the political culture of each historical stage, transitioning from an encyclopedic model during the Revolution, to a state propaganda tool during the First Empire, to a collection of political speeches under the constitutional monarchy and the Second Republic, and finally, to a daily opinion newspaper for the general public under Napoleon III.During the print run of the Revue des Colonies, the “Moniteur” was divided into two main sections: the “official” and the “unofficial” part. Government documents and official communications were published in the official section, while other current events and various topics were featured in the unofficial section under a range of headings such as “Domestic,” “International,” “Entertainment,” etc. The texts cited in Revue des Colonies were most often found in the unofficial section, typically under the “Domestic” heading and on the front page.Titles containing the label “Moniteur” followed by a toponym abounded throughout the nineteenth century: local or colonial titles used this formula to emphasize their official status, maintaining the distinction between the official and unofficial sections.Laurence Guellec, « Les journaux officiels », La Civilisation du journal (dir. Dominique Kalifa, Philippe Régnier, Marie-Ève Thérenty, Alain Vaillant), Paris, Nouveau Monde, 2011. https://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universelhttps://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universel .Le Moniteur universel, ou « Le Moniteur », est l’un des journaux les plus cités, sous cette forme abrégée et familière, au cours du XIXe siècle : on le retrouve, véritable élément de civilisation, dans la presse, dans les fictions, probablement dans les discussions d’alors. Ce titre, qui renvoie au langage des Lumières et de la Révolution, dérive étymologiquement du verbe monere, signifiant avertir ou conseiller. Il n’est d’abord que le sous-titre de la Gazette nationale, créée en 1789 par Charles-Joseph Panckouke, éditeur entre autres de l’Encyclopédie de Diderot et d’Alembert ; ce n’est qu’en 1811 que le sous-titre, Le Moniteur universel, devient officiellement titre.Lancé en 1789, ce périodique devient en 1799 l’organe officiel du gouvernement consulaire ; il obtient ensuite, sous l’Empire, le privilège de la publication des actes du gouvernement et des communications officielles, passant de fait au statut d’« organe de propagande cardinal de l’Empire ». Il ne se limite pourtant pas à cette fonction, et survit aux différents régimes politiques comme il a survécu à la Révolution et à la mort de Panckouke en 1798. Sa survie est notamment liée à sa capacité à changer : les modèles adoptés par sa rédaction, qu'ils soient choisis ou imposés par le pouvoir en place, reflètent de manière révélatrice la culture politique propre à chaque période marquante de son histoire. Ainsi, comme le souligne Laurence Guellec, il se transforme en une grande encyclopédie pendant la Révolution, devient un instrument de propagande étatique sous le Premier Empire, se mue en recueil des discours des orateurs durant la monarchie constitutionnelle et la Seconde République, puis se positionne en tant que quotidien grand public et journal d'opinion sous le règne de Napoléon III. Ajoutons enfin que les titres constitués du syntagme « Moniteur » suivi d’un toponyme sont nombreux, au cours du siècle, en France : les titres locaux ou coloniaux adoptent cette formule pour mettre en exergue leur ancrage officiel, et respectent la distinction entre partie officielle et non officielle.À l’époque de la Revue des Colonies, Le Moniteur universel est organisé en deux grandes parties : la « partie officielle » et la « partie non officielle ». Les actes du gouvernement et les communications officielles, quand il y en a, sont publiés dans la partie officielle, en une – mais parfois en quelques lignes – et les autres textes, tous d’actualité mais aux thèmes divers, paraissent dans la partie non officielle sous des rubriques elles aussi variées : intérieur, nouvelles extérieures, spectacles, etc. Les textes que cite la Revue des Colonies paraissent dans la partie non officielle, le plus souvent sous la rubrique « Intérieur » et en une.Laurence Guellec, « Les journaux officiels », La Civilisation du journal (dir. Dominique Kalifa, Philippe Régnier, Marie-Ève Thérenty, Alain Vaillant), Paris, Nouveau Monde, 2011. https://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universelhttps://www.retronews.fr/titre-de-presse/gazette-nationale-ou-le-moniteur-universel .